new era in politics. The changes that took place were far from being a clean sweep. Benton avers that, with all his removals, Jackson still left a majority in office against him, even in the executive departments at Washington. Nevertheless, the practice of making changes in office on party grounds had been established as a national system.

The effect of the distinct conversion of the government patronage into a party fund was obviously pernicious in its adulteration of the standard of official worth. Scandalous exhibitions of the consequences in this respect were not long delayed. At the same time it is incontestable that in this way the means were obtained of readjusting the political system in conformity with the changed conditions. The energy of the force is exhibited by the results of its operation. The wrangling factions were rapidly aligned in party ranks. There was no opening for an independent rôle. Factions had to choose one side or the other, or be cut off from present enjoyment or future possibility of office. Appropriate party issues were shaped by executive policy. The administration of the patronage on party grounds carries with it the power of defining party issues, for it implies on the part of the appointing power a conception of what constitutes party membership. Whatever else may be said of it, the test has the advantage of being practical and efficient. Dissenters may contend that they represent the true

party tradition, but that does not help their case any. They must submit or go into opposition; and unless they are able to wrest control of the party organization from the President, they must organize a party organization of their own.

Some appearance of continuity with the party of Jefferson had been preserved by the very magnitude of Jackson's triumph. Such was the strength of the movement that it had, in the modern phrase, "captured the organization," taking over its name so as to enable the new party to set up the claim of being the direct lineal successor of the Republican party of Jefferson. For a time the title of Republican was retained in use as part, at least, of the party name, and is still so retained officially, but the organization soon became known simply as the Democratic party. The opposition to Jackson claimed to be the true Jeffersonian Republican party, and it was at first known as the National Republican party; but in broadening out so as to include all the elements. of opposition, it finally abandoned that title for the good old revolutionary party name of Whig. The Whig party was a coalition of the National Republicans, or Adams and Clay men, with the Anti-Masons, Conservatives, and Nullifiers. The Whigs, however, always contended that they represented the true Jeffersonian principle - the maintenance of the constitutional checks and balances of power.

Both Whigs and Democrats

were really new parties, but the Democrats obtained possession of the Jeffersonian tradition.

It was soon made evident that the basis of administrative control had been shifted from Congress to the presidency. The reluctance of Congress to make a party issue of the rechartering of the Bank of the United States was strongly exhibited. The President forced that issue upon it. To the will of Congress, the President opposed his will, and his will prevailed. When Congress refused to authorize the removal of the government deposits, the President himself assumed that authority. The Senate placed upon its records a censure of his acts. Inside of three years it had to reverse its judgment and expunge the censure from its records. Thus at a time when its prestige was at the highest, and it had been accustomed to exercising a controlling influence in the government, Congress was overborne by the weight of presidential authority. There was no uncertainty as to the nature of the instrument by which the power of the presidential office was made effectual. During the debate of January, 1837, on the final passage of the expunging resolution, Henry Clay said:

"The Senate has no army, no navy, no patronage, no lucrative offices, nor glittering honors to bestow. Around us there is no swarm of greedy expectants rendering us homage, anticipating our wishes, and ready to execute our commands. How

is it with the President? Is he powerless? He is felt from one extremity to the other of this republic. By means of principles which he has introduced, and innovations which he has made in our institutions, alas! but too much countenanced by Congress and a confiding people, he exercises uncontrolled the power of the state. In one hand he holds the purse and in the other brandishes the sword of the country! Myriads of dependents and partisans scattered over the land are ever ready to sing hosannahs to him and to laud to the skies whatever he does. He has swept over the government like a tropical tornado."

CHAPTER XIV

THE VETO POWER

THE state of mind in which the framers of the constitution addressed themselves to the task of forming a national government was such as to cause them to attach great importance to the veto power, to make it strong, searching, and effective. They had been familiar with its exercise in colonial relations with the British government, and the character of legislation since such control had been removed was regarded as demonstrating the necessity of reëstablishing it. The original proposition of the Virginia plan was that the national legislature should have a right to negative all state laws contravening national functions; then in their turn the acts of the national legislature, including such as negatived state laws, should be subject to the approval of a Council of Revision, to be composed of "the Executive and a convenient number of the national judiciary." The opposition of the delegates from the smaller states was so stubborn that the scheme of direct national control over state legislation was gradually reduced until only two marks of it were left in the constitution as it was finally adopted. One of these is the clause