upon the principles, and carried on by the uniform exercise of lenity without remissness, and of firmness without severity."

I promised to make it appear, that no Irish catholic, lay or clerical, was any way engaged in the Scottish rebellion of 1745. I shall now perform my promise. Lord Chief Justice Marlay's charge to the grand juries of the city and county of Dublin, bears honorable testimony to their loyalty. "When posterity read," says he, "that in this age a rebellion was carried on in Great Britain, without the least colour or pretence of oppression, nay, by many who had not even that false pretence of religion to palliate their treason against a prince, one of the best, the most merciful, just, and most generous of our royal line, who has given the fortunes of all criminals, whether forfeited for crimes against the state, or for other offences, to their children or relations (a grace never practised before); who has exposed his person at the head of his armies, in defence of the liberties of his kingdoms, and of Europe; and that Ireland, where much the greatest part of the inhabitants profess a religion, which sometimes has authorised, or at least justified rebellion, not only preserved peace at home, but contributed to restore it among his subjects of Great Britain; will they not believe that the people of Ireland were actuated by something more than their duty and allegiance? will they not be convinced, that they were animated by a generous sense of gratitude, and zeal for their great benefactor, and fully sensible of the happiness of being

blessed by living under the protection of a monarch, who, like the glorious king William, the Henries, and Edwards, his royal predecessors, has himself led his armies to victory, and despised danger in the cause of his people; and one from whom we not only expect, but are assured of, a race of princes, equally eminent for their generosity, prudence and courage.'

In the year 1762, upon a debate in the house of lords upon the expediency of raising five regiments of these catholics, for the service of the king of Portugal, Doctor Stone (then Primate), in answer to some common-place objections against the good faith and loyalty of these people, which were revived with virulence on that occasion, declared publicly in the house of lords, that" in the year 1747, after that rebellion was intirely suppressed, happening to be in England, he had an opportunity of perusing all the papers of the rebels, and their correspondents, which were seized in the custody of Murray, the pretender's secretary; and that, after having spent much time and taken great pains in examining them (not without some share of the then common suspicion, that there might be some private understanding and intercourse between them and the Irish catholics), he could not discover the least trace, hint, or intimation of such intercourse or correspondence in them; or of any of the latter's favouring, abetting, or having been so much as made acquainted with the designs or proceedings of these rebels. And what," he said, "he wondered at most at all was, that in all his re

searches, he had not met with any passage in any of these papers, from which he could infer, that either their Holy Father the Pope, or any of his cardinals, bishops, or other dignitaries of that church; or any of the Irish clergy, had either directly or indirectly, encouraged, aided or approved of, the commencing or carrying on of that rebellion."

That no man should ever doubt of what complexion the spirit actuating the persecutors of the catholic faith, they invited and embraced with open arms, the enemies of Christ and of his church; professing equal contempt for the cross. It was natural enough for the enemies of the faith to associate. Thus the infidel rulers of the French republic, while they laboured with might and main to undermine and abolish the christian faith, naturalized the Jews. Vain was their endeavour. To a land, ruled by wolves and tygers, impoverished even to beggary, by restrictions on industry, exorbitant taxation, and immense tributes to England, the Jews would not come. The circumcized race will rever consider any country their home, but that promised them by their prophets. Therefore they are not addicted to the cultivation or purchase of land, subsisting by traffic, and such other means as will always leave them ready to obey the long expected signal of departure for the holy land. They did say, that, among a people purposely impoverished, there was no chance of living; as a beggared Population must, by dire necessity, be driven to their wits end, to such shifts as to out-jew the

very Jews. It was the observation of a Jewish rabbi, in Saxony, who entertained me very kindly. On asking him, why there were no synagogues in Ireland? he replied, smiling, be so good as to tell me why, in so fertile a land, and so happily situated for commerce, your people are such poor rogues, that you are greater Jews than ourselves, whence our people could not live among you. But to return to the Irish persecutors, fraternizing with the enemies of Christ. The Irish commons, in the session of 1747, brought heads of a bill into their house, for naturalizing persons professing the Jewish religion; which were committed, agreed to by the house without any amendment, and presented to his grace the lord lieutenant, to be by him transmitted into England. In the session immediately preceding, the same bill was brought into the commons, and carried through without any debate; but it then miscarried either here or in England; as it also did this second time.*

After the departure of the earl of Chesterfield, in the spring of 1746, the kingdom was governed by lords justices till September, when the earl of Harrington arrived. The death of Sir James Sommerville the following year, and of alderman Pearson, representatives for the city, gave occasion to a remarkable contest for members to succeed them, and called forth to public view a character conspicuously distinguished. Strong natural powers, especially when excited to action by public spirit, have rendered men eminent, though *Currie. Hist. Rev. Civil Wars.

unaccompanied by the advantages of a liberal education, by riches, station, and the influence of powerful connexions. Of this Charles Lucas exhibited a striking example. Some years before, this extraordinary man, having attracted the notice of his fellow citizens, was admitted to the common council. Here he resolved to exert himself in behalf of their privileges. The new rules, framed in the reign of Charles II., by authority derived from a clause in the act of explanation, had, as in other corporate towns, changed the powers of the city corporation. To increase the influence of the crown, among other innovations, they deprived the commons of the power of choosing the city magistrates, and placed it in the board of aldermen, subject in its exercise on each election to the approbation of the chief governor and privy council. Of this injury Lucas loudly complained. But the law being absolute, could not be controuled. Suspecting however, that in other respects encroachments had been made on the rights of the citizens, not justified by law, he examined the city charters, and searched diligently into ancient records, by which he was convinced that his apprehensions were well founded. He published his discoveries, explained the evidence resulting from them, and encouraged the people to take the proper steps for obtaining redress. In consequence, a warm contest commenced betwixt the commons and aldermen in seventeen hundred and forty-one, which continued the two succeeding years.

Though the former struggled in vain to reco