Queen Elizabeth? False plots would admitted, the spokesman addressed the never have been believed, if there had convention as follows:-" Citizen legisnot sometimes been true ones. This lators! the British and Irish citizens resireasoning, therefore, against the rea- dent at Paris, constantly animated by lity of the alarm which had taken place, those principles which have given rise and was by no means conclusive.-He had success to the French revolution, met last been not a little surprised at the violent Sunday to celebrate the success of your declamation in favour of liberty, which arms, and agreed to present to you their had fallen from the right hon. gentleman sentiments, and to congratulate you on -as if, on the present occasion, liberty those events which are so favourable an was placed on the one hand, and despotism omen for all people who wish to become on the other. He, for his own part, de- free. Receive, then, that pure and fra clared himself to be, not a defender of mi- ternal homage of men who bear in their nistry or of opposition, but of the country. hearts all the principles of that constituIn France he would affirm there existed no tion which you are going to give to your true liberty. As a proof that liberty was country. Hitherto wars have been only enjoyed by us, he would ask, was not life, undertaken to gratify the ambition and was not property secure? Was this the pride of despots. You have taken up case in France, where both were every arms only to make reason and liberty moment exposed to danger, and where, triumph. We hope the troops of liberty instead of one Bastile, a Bastile was now will not lay them down until there shall be erected in every parish? He was one of no more tyrants or slaves."-The presithose who lamented the retreat of the duke dent answered the deputation as republiof Brunswick; and he must own, that he cans. He said, " that royalty in Europe thought even a despotism, where life and was in the agonies of death; that the property were secure, preferable to that declaration of rights now placed by the state of liberty, where both were conti- side of thrones, was a fire which in the nually liable to be invaded. What he end would consume them; and he even dreaded, should French principles be in- hoped that the time was not far distant troduced into this country, was, the de- when France, England, Scotland, and Irestruction of the whole order of civil life; land-all Europe! all mankind! would not only that we should lose king, lords, form but one peaceful family." The and commons, but our property, our second deputation was from the constituwives, every thing that was dear and tional society of London, and consisted sacred. Who would wish the morals of of Joel Barlow and J. Frost, who prethe present legislators of France to be sented an address, congratulating the introduced into this country? What pa- French on the revolution they had acrent would wish his son to resemble a complished, and the success that had Marat, a Danton, a Robespierre? Or attended their arms; expressing a hope would he wish him to copy the example at the same time, that other nations would of a Petion? Or should he search the soon follow their example. The deputies deepest recesses of hell, where could he added, that they had sent a thousand pair find a more complete model of depravity of shoes as a patriotic gift to the soldiers than Monsieur Egalité?-He would affirm, of liberty. The address was signed by that there was a faction in this country, lord Sempill, president, and D. Adams, who wished to subject it to France, in secretary.-Mr. Burke accompanied the order that our government might be re-reading of this detail with many remarks. formed upon the French system. He These proceedings, he said, had taken would likewise affirm, that the French place on the same day, in which there cherished designs upon this country; that had been a discussion in the convention they encouraged this faction, and were respecting the union of Savoy to France. disposed to aid them in their views of On that occasion, the president had oboverturning our constitution. As a proof served, "that nature pointed out this of this, he would translate from ◆eir own union; that France and Savoy were algazette the following account of their ready connected by physical and moral proceedings: "The President-You de- ties." This gentle people, in adding the creed yesterday, that two deputations of country of their neighbours to their own Englishmen should be admitted to the dominions, only follow the mild laws of bar. I am going to order it to be opened nature; whenever they have a mind to for them." The first deputation being make an acqusition of territory, they dis had passed, authorizing his majesty to call out the militia, and summon parliament in cases of insurrection, from want of similar precautions to those which had been employed on this occasion. He thought the amendment implied a great deal more than it held out, and was intended to convey a censure on the whole conduct of administration. For his own part, he believed the existence and reality of the danger, and that ministers, so far from exciting a premature or groundless alarm, had rather been too late in adopting their measures of precaution. For these reasons, he heartily approved of the address. Mr. Hussey expressed how much on this occasion he wished for unanimity, and how very fortunate a circumstance he should consider it, if all the members could be brought to concur in the expres.. sion of the same sentiments. cover their claim to it to be established by physical and moral ties; no doubt they will soon find out the physical and moral connexion subsisting between them and this country, though we unfortunately have been separated from them by a violent convulsion. Of those persons who had signed the address from the society for constitutional information, he knew little or nothing, excepting Mr. John Frost. He was notorious; his character, he believed, was pretty well known to both sides of the House; the gentlemen of the treasury particularly had reason to be ac quainted with it. If Englishmen had in this manner applied to Louis 16th, to reform our government, and had been favourably received by him, would not this have been considered as an aggression by this country? It was, indeed, a portent and prodigy that Englishmen should not be able to find liberty at home, but should be obliged to seek it elsewhere. What Mr. Erskine said, that as a member of a rendered the factious in this country par- society for the reform of parliament, he ticularly dangerous was, their connexion had a right to object to the general deswith the band of French robbers and as- cription which had been given of such bosassins. The French had declared war dies, as having associated under the speagainst all kings, and of consequence cious pretext of constitutional reformaagainst this country, if it had a king. The tion, but in reality for the worst purposes. question now was, not whether we should He was as much attached to the consticarry an address to the throne, but whe- tution as any man, and from his conther we should have a throne at all?-Mr. nexion with a great personage could hardly Burke concluded with recommending the be suspected of plotting against the mounanimity so desirable upon this occasion, narchy. The disturbances now so exagand with representing the danger which gerated might be traced to their undoubted might arise from the progress of French origin, viz. a determination on the part of arms, if not speedily resisted. Their ministers, to beat down by every means power had already become formidable to that very cause of reform upon which he the whole of Europe, and if we would had begun the fame of his political life. not have Europe torn from us, it was ne--No danger existed, nor had even been cessary that we should interpose by the most effectual means to stop their farther career. Mr. Anstruther said, there were two questions before the House; 1. with respect to the existence of an insurrection; 2. the expedience of the measures that had been adopted by administration. Gentlemen affected to undervalue the alarm which had reached from one end of the nation to the other, and which had existed in a very strong degree eight or ten days before ministers had recourse to the measure of issuing the proclamations. He asked, if those writings which had been published and circulated with so much industry, had not a tendency to vilify every part of our constitution? He desired gentlemen to recollect the mischiefs which had happened five years before the bill talked of any where, until that society, of which he (Mr. Erskine) was a member, had presented their petition to the House to extend the representation of the people, when almost in the very moment the trumpet of alarm was sounded, and the king's proclamation was issued, although, as had been admitted by the hon. secretary himself, that all the higher and more respectable classes of the community, and likewise the middle clases, who together composed nine tenths of this association, were firmly attached to the constitution, and prered to defend it against every attack. But it seems there were other societies, and many dangerous publications. But if any of these deserved prosecution, why had they not been prosecuted? why was that work against which the mighty alarm, and even the proclamation itself appeared to be directed, suffered to pass entirely unnoticed for near a year and a half, notwithstanding its extensive circulation now so suddenly complained of. Daring the whole of that time no information had been filed against it, and now that there was one, the censure which had only begun ought to have ended. Such reflections as had been thrown out, were not fair against a work under prosecution. The trial was at hand, and the cause ought not to be prejudged. With regard to France, a right hon. gentleman had obtained a new light upon the subject. He had now given a very different representation of it from that which two years ago he had written and published. The nation which he had then placed in such a low contemptible point of view weakened or rather dissolved by her own enchantments, and to which he had predicted nothing but calamity and disgrace, he now described as dangerously extending its pretensions and becoming formidable to all Europe. But taking this last opinion to be just, if France had in reality become so formidable, was that a reason for going to war with her, or was it not therefore a powerful motive for preserving the peace and seeking general safety by the prudence and moderation of general councils amongst the European states. The right hon. secretary had prayed that God might avert the calamities of that very war, which he was doing every thing to provoke, whilst another right hon. gentleman was deprecating attacks upon the crown, which had never been attacked at all, till it had the misfortune to have himself for its defender. The question was whether the constitution was to be preserved by coercion, or in its own spirit and by its own principles, whether you chuse to create disaffection and enmity in the people or conciliate them by the language of confidence and affection. Can there be a doubt in the mind of any man in his senses-if you wish to preserve the government against all attacks from within or from without, never think of holding out to the multitude in the teeth of their own history that they are bound to adhere to it? No; rather say to them frankly and sincerely, there is your constitution handed down to you from your fathers, created by their courage, and preserved and improved from age to age by their wisdom and virtue? It is now yours with all its improvements, and it depends upon your love and attachment for its support-hold this course, and to use the eloquent words of a right hon. gentleman as applied to a vast body of your subjects now lost to you for ever, they will cling and grapple to you, and no force under heaven will tear them from their allegiance. He was convinced that there was no other way in which a free and enlightened people could be governed. Instead of loading them with abuse and calumny, we ought to meet their complaints, to redress their grievances, and by granting them a fair representation, remove the ground of their dissatisfaction. He wished the House might discuss with temper what related to French affairs. If we were on the eve of a war, he certainly could not consider it as good policy to make foreign powers believe that there existed dissentions among ourselves. The people were already taxed to a most enormous extent; and should a war be the consequence, when it appeared that every precaution had not been taken to prevent it, they would incur a most heavy responsibility, for having precipitated the nation into so great a calamity. Colonel Hartley expressed his confidence in the measures adopted by ministers, as tending to render permanent that high state of prosperity to which the country had risen, and secure to her the distinguished rank which she held among the nations. Mr. W. Smith defended the French from the charge of distributing money for seditious purposes in this country, and declared, that the English constitution was the last constitution on earth which they wished to alter. As Mr. Burke had expressed a doubt as to the possibility of our ever receiving an ambassador from France at our court, he asked him to refer to the mode in which Cromwell's ambassador was received at the court of Louis 14th, and accused him of intentional misrepresentation, in speaking as if the French government was in the hands of the promoters of the massacres in Paris. He vindicated the Protestant dissenters from the charge of disaffection, by reading a declaration from that body, expressive of their attachment to the constitution. The Attorney General stated the different modes which seditious persons had adopted in order to work on the minds of the lower orders of people, by pasting up bills, dropping letters down the areas of houses, &c. He said, that so far from § having been remiss in his duty with regard to seditious publications, he had on his file two hundred informations. The delay which had taken place in prosecuting a particular work, arose from the length of time necessary to be employed in taking the previous steps, before a prosecution could be commenced. The Solicitor General entered into a detail of the law by which parliament had been so suddenly called together. Cases of insurrection, he remarked, were not as had been stated, now for the first time introduced into law as authorizing his majesty to call out the militia and summon parliament; the same power had been given in former laws, though in some late instances the case of insurrection, which was now acted upon, was omitted; the phrase some how or other had then slipt out of the law, and was now only revived. Mr. Fox said, that much of what he had said had either been misrepresented, or misunderstood. The application which had been made to him to withdraw his amendment, however he respected the quarter from which it came, he must resist. After the sentiments which he and other gentlemen had expressed, unanimity was impossible; unanimity on the present occasion he must own was what he should deprecate. He gave notice, that he should attend to-morrow to propose an amendment upon the report. The question being put, That the words proposed to be left out, stand part of the question, the House divided: YEAS. TELLERS. SMr. Alderman Watson Mr. Lambton :}: } 290 50 NOES. {Mr. M. A. Taylor List of the Minority. Sir Hen. Fletcher, bt J. N. Edwards. Dec. 14. The Lord Mayor brought up the report of the Address agreed upon last night. The Address being read a second time, Mr. For said, that as this was in some measure a continuation of a former debate, he should take the opportunity to reply to several arguments that had been urged against him. Some gentlemen had blamed him for having proposed an amendment to the address when unanimity of sentiment was so much to be desired; but he had acted according to his feelings, and others had sacrificed their feelings to unanimity. Those who had thus censured him had censured ministers for being neutral respecting France; and he censured them for the same neutrality, though from very different motives. So far was he from thinking that ministers deserved praise in that respect, that he thought the House of Commons ought to impeach them. His opinion was, that from the moment they knew a league was formed against France, this country ought to have interfered: France had justice completely on her side, and we, by a prudent negociation with the other powers, might have prevented the horrid scenes which were afterwards exhibited, and saved, too, the necessity of being reduced to our present situation. We should by this have held out to Europe a lesson of moderation, of justice, and of dignity, worthy of a great empire; this was his opinion with respect to the conduct which ought to have been adopted, but it was what ministers had neglected. There was one general advantage, however, resulting from this; it taught the proudest men in this world that there was an energy in the cause of justice, which when once supported, nothing could defeat. Thank God, nature had been true to herself; tyranny had been defeated, and those who had fought for freedom | attended freedom. Let us not foolishly were triumphant ! continue the absurd prejudice, that none but Englishmen deserve to be free. Liberty had no attachment to soil; it was the inheritance of man over every part of the globe, and wherever enjoyed it always produced the same effects. Indeed, all those who spoke in support of ministers in the debate of last night, had insisted, that France had formed views of aggrandizement and general dominion. If so, why thank the king's ministers for their neutrality, when, if they are right With these sentiments, he could not now, upon their own principle, they but be of opinion, that the conduct of should have formerly interfered to have Great Britain ought to be peculiarly prachecked their career? He insisted that dent, and above all, strictly just: she it was impossible, without an abandonment ought immediately to acknowledge the of all consistency, to approve of the pre- government of France, and to adopt all sent address. Whoever conceived him to honourable means of procuring peace: be of opinion that the aggrandizement of she ought to weigh all the consequences France was matter of indifference to this of a war, to view with a scrutinizing eye country, mistook him grossly. France the nature and extent of her resources at certainly had aggrandized herself. She home, and to ascertain the degree of ashad disappointed the predictions of that sistance which she might expect from her gentleman who, during the last session, allies: she should most certainly consider in speaking of the opponents of Great well the situation of Ireland. Much had Britain on the continent, had exclaimed, it surprised him last night that a gentle"There is no danger from any quarter! man, who from his situation ought to be looking into the map of Europe, I see a something of a statesman, had asserted chasm once called France." That chasm, that the state of Ireland ought not to be however, the gentleman must now con- alluded to. What! was not the condi fess was filled. No longer would he be tion of Ireland to be considered in a quesable to speak of the inhabitants of that tion that implicated a war? Indeed it nation as having once been famous-Gal- ought to be, and seriously and solemnly los olim bello floruisse. They had con- too. It ought to be considered, that in ducted themselves in such a manner as to that country there were millions of perinduce him to be of opinion, that the sons in a state of complete disfranchisepower of France might be formidable to ment, and very little elevated above slaves. this country. She was formidable under Would any man in his senses suppose her monarchy, when in alliance with that hearty support could be expected Spain, and in friendship with Austria. from that kingdom in the event of a war? But France, with finances almost ruined Indeed, indeed, the blood and treasure of -France, at enmity with Austria, and cer- this country ought not to be lightly risked. tainly not in amity with Spain, was much The time was come when ministers would more formidable now: she was formidable not perhaps think it prudent to go to war now from her freedom, the animating ef- on the mere prerogative of the crown; fects of which were beyond the calculation they would think the approbation of parof man. All the inhabitants of Europe, liament and of the people necessary, inwho felt any thing in the cause of freedom, dispensably necessary; but it remained sympathized with the French, and wished with the House to consider whether a war them success, regarding them as men ought to be entered into at all; and, if so, struggling with tyrants and despots, whether it ought to be conducted by while they were endeavouring to form for those who composed the present admithemselves a free government. But, per- nistration? It ought to be considered haps, he should be told, that France had also how small would be the effect which not a free government. In order to they were capable of producing in the shorten that question for the present, he courts of Europe. What court, he would would say, in the words of a certain au- ask, would be elevated by their promises, thor, that "a free government for all or intimidated by their menaces, after practical purposes is that which the peo- their conduct with regard to Russia? It ple consider as such;" so it was with the should be considered likewise, that it was French during the whole of the last cam-doubtful whether our allies would rely on paign; they had been successful on account of the nature of their cause. Courage, and all the bolder virtues, naturally us, or whether we could rely on them. The retreat of the duke of Brunswick he did not believe depended on us, but was |