against the coloured race, he did not think there was one member who would advocate such a thing, or would be willing to sit along with them at a meeting. He thought that there would be no objection to the negroes forming a division of their own.

In

April 14.-The cost of living in the city of Washington is very high at present. The hotel charge for each person is five dollars per day, and if he has the luxury of a fire, which however is scarcely necessary now, then the charge is six dollars per day. The hotel keeper on the other hand has to pay a high price for all that he purchases, for instance, at the present time butter is ninety cents per pound, chickens two dollars and a half per pair, and other things in equal proportion. The high price of provisions renders it necessary that wages should be high in proportion, so that altogether the cost of living in Washington is perhaps greater than in any other city in the United States. this city at the present time, the journeymen painters are on strike for an advance of wages. They have hitherto been accustomed to receive three dollars per day, which in English money will be £3 15s. per week; but they have demanded three and a half dollars per day, and in many instances the masters have already consented to give the advance, so that their present wages are £4 7s. 6d. per week. Other businesses yield compensation at nearly the same rate. Reporters for the public press receive £8 per week. The ladies charge as high for their services as others. The dressmaker charges five dollars for making a calico dress, without finding any trimming or other material. For making a merino dress the charge is from seven to eight dollars, and for a silk dress from ten to fifteen dollars. A lady in this city is now having a bridal dress made, the cost of the material being 900 dollars, and the cost of making 40 dollars. The veil which the bride will wear has cost 100 dollars. In this city there are 15,000 men who are dependent upon their own labour for a livelihood, and there are 218 different ways, by which a living can be obtained, but in the case of women there are 16,000, and only sixteen different ways by which they can earn a livelihood, viz., as basket makers, boarding house keepers, clerks, glovers, hair workers, laundresses, mantua makers, matrons, midwives, milliners, music teachers, nurses, seamstresses, servants, sisters of charity, and tailoresses. In Washington, one person in every ten is a clerk, and it is said that as women show a special aptitude for such duties, that women alone ought to be so employed. I found that in the govern

ment department in this city there are many women employed as clerks, and many of them command good salaries. The argument in favour of employing women as clerks in preference to men is perhaps stronger in the United States than it would be in England, for there is a greater demand for the labour of men in other branches for which women are not well adapted. In the whole country there are 586 different occupations, yet there are comparatively few of those occupations in which women are engaged. It is said that at the present time there are employed, of blacksmiths, 112,357; carpenters, 242,958; clerks, 184,485; farmers, 2,423,895; farm hands, 785,679; labourers, 969.301; miners, 147,750 shoemakers, 164,608; servants, 559,908; tailors, 101,868; teachers, 110,469 In opposition to the employment of women. in many branches of labour, it is urged that marriage is woman's destiny, and that man's duty is to support her. Admitting this to be the case, it will still be necessary for employment to be found for women, because in many districts females preponderate over males very considerably. In the State of Massachusetts, for instance, there are nearly 20,000 females in excess of males, and all these should be provided for, or society will have to suffer in other ways.

She

April 15, Sunday.- Attended the Presbyterian Church this morning, and the Baptist Church in the afternoon. Took supper with Mrs. Buel and a number of friends, after which I went to the Freedmen's Hospital, and had a long conversation with Sojourner Truth. She formerly lived at Freedmen's Village, and as many of the coloured people soon after emancipation had to suffer in various ways, she often made appeals on their behalf. Having a very "tall" spirit she often interfered in a way which annoyed some of the officials, and one of them threatened to have her put in the guard house. told him that if he put her in the guard house she would make the United States rock like a cradle. One day, when she was in the city, she intended to get into a horse railway car, but when the car approached, the driver turned his head another way so as not apparently to see her, and the conductor went inside. Believing that they were doing this merely because she was a coloured person she called out lustily with her powerful voice, which so attracted attention in the public street that she compelled the driver to stop and take her up, she declaring that she was not of Virginia nor of Maryland, but she belonged to the Empire State of New York, and knew the law. She has always shown a strong determination for the coloured people

to have their rights, but at the same time she has stringeutly urged the coloured people to perform their duties. She has

been accustomed to give a public lecture to them every Saturday evening, and I have been told that she had done a great amouut of good in this way. She has received very considerable attention at different times, one instance of which was that Mrs. Lincoln, the wife of the late President, sent her a present. She pays great attention to the sick people in this hospital, one of whom at the present time is an old coloured woman 105 years of age.

April 16.-In the Senate to-day there was quite a scene in consequence of a quarrel which took place between Mr. Conness and Mr. McDougall, the latter of whom was a very strong opponent of the Civil Rights Bill. During a debate on a railway bill, Mr. McDougall declared that Mr Conness had a personal interest in the measure.-Mr. Conness then charged Mr McDougall with being drunk, asserting that he was not in a condition to know what he was saying, and was almost constantly in such a state as to be a disgrace to the body. Mr. McDougall pronounced the statement a falsehood, and contended that this term was parliamentary both according to the practice and precedent of the British Parliament, and of the United States Senate, during the last fifty years, and therefore he had a right to speak in the manner which he had done.-Mr. Conness became warm on the subject, and said the Senator did not represent the great State of California either politically or morally. He was enfranchised by that State some five years ago, and in that time had not once visited his constituents. Mr. President, I have sat here in my seat and submitted to his assumptions and representations, and have borne them. I have occupied my seat when that Senator, instead of representing the high-toned, moral, and courageous constituency of my State, has sat or rather lay in his chair, an object o pity to an audience assembled from every State in the Union. I have more than once covered my eyes with shame at such an exhibition. I do not wish my associates on this floor to imagine that I am dead to considerations of this character. No, sir, but silently and quietly and even, with pity towards him, I was awaiting the time when the Senator, by the expiration of his official term, should cease to misrepresent his State, and cease to humiliate and disgrace not only the State which gave him honour, but the American character and American Senate. I have looked on in silence heretofore; but, sir, this morning when the wanton, unprovoked, and

most disorderly assault was made upon me, I could bear it no longer. The Senator rises here and uses the term falsehood against me. Mr. President, the Senator dare not repeat the word ontside of this Chamber Mr. McDougall rose from his seat, and in a most excited manner, struck the desk before him with his fist, and declared emphatically, "I'll do it." Mr. Conness then said-I cannot trust myself to reply, Mr. President, as my senatorial character is in issue bere. I cannot reply to conduct so despicable; I dare not notice it, sir. I have no comparison to make with him as to my character for truth, veracity, and honour, and in my representative capacity I shrink as much from the contrast as from all the pollution which hell could vomit forth. With a due regard, sir, to charity and kindness, and to the Senatorial relation, I should at any time have been ready to cast them aside, and yielding to the high and imperious duty of vindicating the dignity of this great American forum, have voted for the expulsion of the Senator on account of his offences time and again against the dignity of this body. It was not meet, however, for me to lead in such a work. Not appreciating this concession in his behalf, he has continually repeated his outrages against the dignity of this Senate. Forbearance has ceased to be a virtue, and the Senate is now wronging both itself and the country by longer tolerating such conduct. That Senator has been left off all committees because of his inability to decide upon legislative questions, but this silent reproof, so far from inducing reforma. tion, has, if possible, sunk and degraded him still more, until he has now no character to lose. Mr. McDougall replied in language which would have disgraced a bar-room, until the President stopped him, declaring that such language was not fit for the Senate Chamber The dispute was permitted to end with less warmth than it began. It happened that on the same day a personal altercation took place in the House of Representatives. Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, having called Mr. Eldridge, of Wisconsin, "a contemptible Copperhead," Mr. Eldridge replied :—" It does not matter. He can have no more contempt for me than I have for him. He is a traitor." After much confusion the time for adjournment arrived, and the House broke up amidst great excitement, laughter, and confusion, in which the spectators joined. This was the day appointed for the public celebration of freedom in the district of Columbia. It was not only the anniversary of the passing of the act of emancipation, but there were other events which might properly be noticed at this time, such as the

assassination of Mr. Lincoln, the closing of the war, and the passing of the Civil Rights Bill. A great demonstration was anticipated, and people came from Baltimore, from Alexandria, and other places to witness it, but in consequence of the rain pouring down in torrents nearly the whole day, it was decided to postpone the demonstration, much to the grief of many who assembled. A Kentucky regiment of coloured troops marched seven miles in the rain to assist in the demonstration, and then had to march back again.

April 17.-Visited the grounds of the Executive Mansion, and was presented with flowers such as are not generally cultivated in England, one sort being a species of magnolia, but it was not the magnolia grandiflora, for it is not yet in bloom. In the evening I attended a public meeting in the City Assembly Room, Louisiana Avenue, which was addressed by several who were lately generals in the United States army. The tone of the meeting bore strongly against England, but all the observations made with respect to England appeared to me very irrevelant to the object of the meeting. A coloured regimental band was in attendance, and performed some beautiful pieces of music. I was sorry to witness the exhibition of prejudice against the coloured race which was here shown. When the band entered, a gentleman who sat near me remarked that it would only be serving the persons right who had had the management if every person in the Hall would retire from the meeting immediately. He considered it to be an insult on the part of the management to provide a band of coloured musicians. I observed that some gentlemen left the meeting almost immediately, apparently offended on account of this arrangement.

April 18.-Visited the Executive Mansion and had an interview with President Johnson. During our conversation I told him that I was an Englishman, and that I had visited America in the capacity of a spy, but was more wishful to spy out the good rather than the evil, and I thought that in this respect I differed from some who had preceded me. The President smiled complacently and expressed his concurrence. He said he was very glad to see me and shook me cordially by the hand. I had every reason to be satisfied with the affability which the President displayed. In appearance he is so exactly like the photographs exhibited in artists' windows, that no one can possibly mistake the man, but I was quite as much interested in making an examination of his clothing, as I was in gazing upon his countenance. There has been so much said about

the President being a Tailor, and about his making good fitting suits, that I felt very curious to ascertain whether in style of dress, his own garments were quite equal to Regent-street. am not much of a connoiseur in such matters, but certainly so far as I am able to judge, I have no hesitation in pronouncing his dress a perfect model for neatness of attire. In the evening I attended the Federal City Division of the Sons of Temperance. In Washington during the war there were 7,000 soldiers initiated members of the order. It was supposed that the war would have the effect of breaking down the temperance organizations, but in Washington it had quite the contrary effect. When the President's funeral took place 3,000 of the soldiers marched through the streets wearing the badge of the order. General Howard takes an active part in the cause, and I was told that General Brown would be initiated amongst the Sons of Temperance at the next meeting. In some of the Southern cities the war appeared to have the effect of destroying the Temperance Societies. One of the speakers described Baltimore as being in a very demoralised condition. He had only lately come from there, and said that in the city there were 2,000 liquor sellers. Washington was a much more sober city, the Temperance Society was supported by influential persons, and was doing a vast amount of good. I was present at a serenade this evening at the White House. The President had issued an order to the heads of departments, directing that preference in appointments and promotions should be given to discharged soldiers and sailors, and in consequence was decided to serenade the President, he having signified to the committee of arrangements that he would accept the compliment. A large procession was formed, escorted by a marine band. On arriving at the designated spot, the President made his appearance on the coping of the wall outside the carriage way in front of the Executive Mansion. music having ceased, a gentleman came forward and expressed on behalf of the soldiers and sailors the gratitude which was felt on account of the order which had been issued. It was not their province to express opinions on the great national problems prominently before the public mind, a solution of which would call forth the combined talent and profound wisdom of their wisest statesmen. Those ties which bound their hearts together in common sympathy, and made them one in advancing the cause of freedom and defending a Republic that had been assailed by violent hands, were as fresh and warm as

it

The

when the reveille of the bugle and drum resounded in hostile encampments, and the deadly bullet of the guerilla whistled among the mountain pines. There were those

present who when the storm cloud of war menaced the destruction of their most cherished institutions, they then girded up their loins, and went forth to do battle against a relentless and misguided foe. The minister left the sacred desk, the orator the forum, and the professor vacated the chair, while the student bade adieu to the classic halls of his alma mater, and marched to the front side by side with the hardy yeoman, who, like the illustrious Putnam, left his plough rusting in the furrow. Having passed through the stern ordeal of battle, and wrested an insulting flag from the hands of traitors, and placed the country first amongst the nighty nations of the earth, they now appeared before the President in the peaceful habiliments of citizens. While a kind providence had protected their lives during the terrible conflict of arms, they could not forget that 350,000 brave men had fallen, the memory of whose gallant deeds would ever live in the hearts of a grateful people. Few if any of the number of those present had escaped unscathed, for the most of them would carry honourable marks of service to the grave. Many were prevented by the loss of a limb from following their former avocations, and as the President had identified himself with their interests, by asserting that those who had risked their lives in the service of the country were entitled to public favour, their grateful thanks were due to him for this manifestation of his kindness, and they trusted that the same all-wise Providence who had brought the nation through a baptism of blood, purified from slavery and sanctified by a nation's tears, would calm the troubled waters and restore the country to peace and prosperity. The

President replied that it was not affectation in him to say that language was inadequate to convey the heartfelt feelings produced by the presentation of such sentiments. In the peculiar posture of public affairs, their presence gave him confidence in his efforts to discharge the duties incumbent upon him as Chief Magistrate of the Kepublic, and he would address them simply in the character of citizens, soldiers, and sailors. They were involved in one of the most critical and trying struggles that had occurred since the government had been brought into existence. Nations, like individuals, must have a beginning, and in struggling into existence, a nation passes through its first trying ordeal. The next ordeal through which a nation has

to pass is when it is called upon to give evidence that it has strength, capacity, and power to maintain itself amongst the nations of the earth. The third ordeal is when it is called upon to give evidence to the nations of the earth and to its own citizens, that it has power to resist internal foes by putting down treachery at home and treason within its own borders. As a nation they had entered upon this ordeal, and he trusted they would pass through it successfully. He was still opposed to traitors and treason, whether in the North or in the South The organized forces and combined powers that recently stood arrayed against them, were disbanded and driven from the field, but it did not follow that there were still no enemies against their form of government and free institutions. He then stood in the Senate of the United States denying the doctrine of separation and secession, for he did not believe that any State had the right, of its own will, to separate itself from the other States, and thereby to destroy the Union and break up the Government-On the conclusion of the President's address there was much cheering, the band struck up a lively air, and the large assembly dispersed.

April 19-Visited the Capitol this morning, and ascended the steps of the dome leading to galleries of various heights, which give fine views of the interior and the exterior. The general outline of the dome resembles that of St. Paul's, of London. The height is about 300 feet from the ground, or about 230 feet above the roof of the Capitol. The pinacle is surmounted by a bronze statue of Freedom, the size of which is twenty feet. On the ceiling of the dome is a large emblematical picture, which covers 4,664 square feet. The Capitol being erected on the summit of a hill, and the galleries being a considerable height, the landscape view is very considerable, especially in the Virginia direction. The entire city can be seen at a glance, the streets and avenues in consequence of their great breadth being clearly defined. On my return I met the procession of freedmen, with their marshals on horseback, a splendid retinue of carriages, accompanied by military bands of music, coloured troops, and a vast concourse of people, all bent upon celebrating the passing of the emancipation act for the district of Columbia. In the afternoon I attended the demonstration, which took place in a large square, and was attended by about 15,000 people. A large platform had been erected for the speakers and others, and while Senator Wilson, formerly a shoemaker, but now one of the most influential statesmen,

was addressing the meeting, down came the whole fabric with a dreadful crash, ladies and gentlemen, black and white, all tumbling together in one confused heap. At the time of the downfall I was standing next the speaker's chair, and fortunately I kept stepping from plank to plank in such a manner that I kept on my feet all the while and felt more in danger from the falling timbers of the roof which had covered the platform, than I did from the rapid personal descent. For a short time great confusion prevailed for it was expected that many persons would be seriously injured.

After the crash described, I was told that one person had his back broken, but in the midst of the excitement I had no means of ascertaining the fact. It was truly marvellous that a high platform containing scores if not hundreds of people could smash down so suddenly that not one individual could get out of the way, and yet the personal injuries were so few and slight. The conster nation having subsided, the speaker took possession of another platform which had been occupied by musicians, and the proceedings continued without further interruption. One of the reporters remarked that he hoped Mr. Wilson would in future finish the sentence before he left the stand, as it made it difficult for him to complete his report when only half a sentence was delivered This was a case however, in which neither Mr. Wilson nor the President of the United States under similar circumstances would have had the power of choice. This was the first time that I had ever had the opportunity of gazing on the countenances of so many as 15,000 coloured persons, and the probability is that amongst those present there were few who had ever previously possessed a similar privi. lege except such as had been in the late war.

Notwithstanding, while slavery lasted it was illegal for more than five coloured people to assemble together, unless in the hearing of a white person, and it rarely happened that the slaves saw more than worked on the same plantation, except when they met together for religious worship. I have heard a great deal said about miscegenation since I came to America, but when I looked round on the audience before me, and saw that two out of every three were of mixed blood, I thought that the former slaveholders, who now have so much to say against miscegenation ought to be silent on the question.

This evening I attended the Howard Division of the Sons of Temperance, when ten persons were initiated, and I was told that every week there are considerable additions made.

There was a very large attendance,

but I observed that many of the members had lost a leg or an arm in the late conflict. I addressed the meeting on the duties which we all owe to society, and the manner in which those duties could be best accomplished.

The coloured people experience hard times at present, and they have scarcely the means to help themselves. They cannot com uand as high wages as others when they have work, and there are thousands who have nothing to do, and thousands who earn a very precarious support. Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, whose position has furnished her with the very best opportunities of becoming acquainted with the condition of the coloured people, makes the following statement concerning them :"The population of Washingtou, at the last census, was, Whites, 60,000, Free Coloured, 14,000, and from a recent partial census by the War Department, it appears that not less than 25,000 Freed People have been added. A large proportion of these are women aud children, a few of whose husbands and fathers are still in government service; but most of them are either disabled, dead, or left with the rebels. A host of miserable women, with large families of children, besides old, crippled, blind, and sick persons, have been driven out of Maryland aud sought refuge here. Most of these people have exhibited industry and thrift beyond the expectations of their friends, paying, generally, by day's labour-often difficult to obtain-for shanties, garrets, cellars, and stables, unfit for human beings to live in, an average rent of from 5 to 6 dollars per month. At the commencement of the winter of 1864, upon personal examination, I found nine hundred families, with an average number of five children, without wood or the means to obtain it; half that number without beds or blankets, and as many without bread or the means of subsistence. Upon this report being present ed to the Secretary of War, 1050 cords of wood, 3300 blankets, and commissary stores to feed, during the extreme cold weather, 2600 per day, were delivered and paid for from the Freedmen's Fund, held in trust by the War Department. At the same time it was found that thousands of women and children of the latest arrivals were without a change of clothing, and large numbers had no under clothing at all. A number of infants, of only a few days old, were found without a garment, and in this condition many perished from cold. Hundreds of old persons and children were without shoes and stockings, and being badly frost-bitten, several had their limbs amputated in consequence, and are crippled for life. Very few among the twenty thousand have comfortable beds,