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tell. Yourselfe knows very well. But this I shall insert--that chusinge of major treasurer, and recorder was not accordinge to former usage and custom. It was prest by some to have it voated whether they would in this towne of Hampton acquies and comply with the pettition and the returne, or words to that efect, which yourselfe was pleased to say all would bee knoct on the head at one blow. Now how comfortable it will bee for about 50 persons to prescribe the method and way of government for about 200 I shall leave to your honour to consider.

For my owne part its well knowne I am for government, and so are severall others whose names are not to the petition and hath a great esteme of and good will to, the Matathusetts government, and to those worthy persons that doth administer the same. And with very littell alteration, I doubt not but many more would have, if they might have their hands to the pettition; but to have hands in the several towns to the same petition to bee under the government of the Mattathusetts collony as formerly, when we are so differently sarcomstanced as som of us know wee have been, is hard; to draw such a pettition and when such a petition is drawn, subscribed as it is, and excepted [accepted] of, for the subscribers to act contrary to the same is very strange. Formerly, not to medell with the custom and usage of the gentlemen of Pascataway, wee at Hampton had the choice of our magistrats and publike oficers, as yourselfe knows; and how the assistance or magistrats at Portsmouth can grant any warrants or exercise the administration of government over Hampton that never chose them, I know not; so that upon the whole, the government of the Matathusetts cannot I suppose exercise nor apoint any governors over us till they have authority so to doe from the crowne of England, or wee or the major part in the severall towns doe pray for it which at present is not in Hampton as it plainly appears; So that to bee subjected to a government in the province and principally at Portsmouth, which have bin so much spoken against by 80 many in Hampton will be very teadious to them; and the chusinge of militery oficers as hath bin to give all due respects to those persons, I shall not say of excedentell quallefications so well knowne to yourselfe, but only say that ffranzey leaders may happen to have mad followers; so that to have a government so imposed, what will I feare follow but destractions, hart burnings, disobedience to the seposed comanders, publike diclerations, remonstrenses set forth that may reach as far as England, and so make way for a person to be deputed by the crowne of England, that may, under the collor of Commission, exercise his owne will,

not to speak of declerations of userpations still continued in the collony. Some have thought forthwith publekly to declare themselves to the governors in said collony that all may be healed as quietly and as sillently as it may bee, and I doubt not your wisdome will be exersised in this matter, and that wee may have peace and unety with you, and that at length we may have a happy peaseable settlement:

And that the God of peace would by all means geve us peace and truth, is the desier and prayer of your very humble servant

Nath' WEARE. Hampton, this 15th of March. 1689–90.

Documents relating to Wars with the Indians, 1687-1690, including the Massacre at Dover,

June, 1689.

[Farm. Belk., p. 124.] Origin of the War with the French and Indians, called King

William's War, 1688.

“ The lands from Penobscot to Nova Scotia had been ceded to the French, by the treaty of Breda, in exchange for the Island of St. Christopher. On these lands, the Baron de St. Castine had for many years resided, and carried on a large trade with the Indians, with whom he was intimately connected. The lands which had been granted by the Crown of England to the Duke of York (now King James the Second) interfered with Castine's plantation, as the Duke claimed to the river St. Croix. A fort had been built by his order at Pemaquid, and a garrison stationed there to prevent any intrusion on his property. . . . In the spring of 1688, Andros went in the 'Rose' frigate, and plundered Castine's house and fort; leaving only the ornaments of his chapel to console him for the loss of his arms and goods. This base action provoked Castine to excite the Indians to a new war." ...

[N. Y. Col. MSS., vol. iv. p. 282.) Extract of a Memorial from Mr. Nelson, dated 2d July, 1697.

“You may please to take notice that after the surrender of Acadie unto the French, in the year 1670, by Sr. Thomas Temple, the successive Governors of New York did (by virtue of orders from England, as I suppose) make claime unto part of said countrys, that is to say, from Pentagoet to the River St. Croix, as having of it inserted in the Duke of York's Patent. But the French still kept possession until Sir Edmond Andross made an attempt upon it, by summoning in one Mr. St. Costeine to acknowledge his dependence on the Crown of England;- upon whose refusal, he went with a Frigate to Pentagoet, pillaged his house of what he found in it, but himself escaped; on which arose (by the said Costein's instigation) the Indian war with which we have ever since been infested.

[N. Y. Col. MSS., vol. iv. p. 476.] “Sr Edmund Andros when Governor of New York invaded them (the country called Pentagoet westward to the River St. Croise Eastward) by force and took the habitation of one Mons. St. Costene a Frenchman who thereupon instigated the Eastern Indians to make War against us, with which war the frontier Countries of New England on that side have been much infested.”

(From Mass. Col. Rec., vol. vi. p. 6.] “Major Richard Waldron appointed Commander in Chief of New Hampshire; Major Charles Frost of the West Regiment of the Province of Maine."

(The same, vol. vi. p. 8.] “Messenger to be sent to make discovery of the number of Indians at Penecooke;-Col. Barth. Gedney sent.”

[The same, vol. vi. p. 13.) “Wiolanset, the Penecooke Sachem Watamun, one of his chief Captains, came down to the Council, manifesting their Friendship to the English, and promist the continuance thereof, and to secure any of the Enemy Indians that shall come among them.”

Letter from Major Henchman to the Governor of Massachusetts.

Hon'd Sir-This day two Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand and Peter Muckamug, who report that damage will undoubtedly be done within a few days at Piscataqua, and that Major Waldron, in particular is threatened; and that Julimatt fears that mischief will quickly be done at Dunstable. The Indians can give a more particular account to your honor. They say if damage be done, the blame shall not be on them, hay

ing given a faithful account of what they hear; and are upon that report moved to leave their habitation and corn at Pennacook. Sir I was very loth to trouble you and to expose myself to the censure and derision of some of the confident people, that would pretend to make sport with what I send down by Capt. Tom (alias Thomas Ukqucakussennum.)

I am constrained from a sense of my duty, and from love to my countrymen, to give the information as above. So with my humble service to your honor, and prayers for the safety of an endangered people, I am, Sir your humble Servant

Tho: HINCHMAN. June 23, [1689].

Mr. Danforth communicated the information to Gov. Bradstreet, who, with the Council, ordered a messenger to Cochecho with the following :

BOSTON 27 June: 1689. Honored Sir. The Governor and Council having this day received a letter from Major Henchman of Chelmsford, that some Indians are come in to them; who report that there is a gathering of Indians in or about Penecooke with designe of mischief to English, amongst the said Indians one Hawkins (Kankamagus) is said to be a principle designer, and that they have a particular designe against yourself and Mr. Peter Coffin which the Councill thought it necessary presently to dispatch Advice Thereof to give you notice that you take care of your own safeguard; they intending to endeavor to betray you on a pretention of Trade. Please forthwith to Signify the import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others as you shall thinke necessary and Advise of what Information you may receive at any time of the Indians motions.

By order in Council,

ISA: ADDINGTON, Secry. For Major Rich'd Waldron, and Mr Peter Coffin or either of them

At Cochecho.
These with all possible (speed).

The messenger hastened towards Cochecho ; he would have been in season, but he was unavoidably detained at Newbury Ferry, and he reached the place only on the morning of the 28th.

“On the evening of the 27th June, 1689, two squaws, according to the previously arranged plan, applied at each garrison house for liberty to sleep in them: this was often done in time of peace, and they were readily admitted into Waldron's, Heard's, the elder Coffin's, and Otis's. At their own request, they were shown how to open the doors and gates, in case they wished to leave the house in the night. They told the Major that a number of Indians were coming to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit, who was at supper, said, “Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?' 'I could assemble a hundred men by lifting up my finger, carelessly answered the Major. No watch was kept, and the family retired to rest.

“In the hours of deepest quiet, the gates were opened. The Indians, who were waiting without, immediately entered, placed a guard at the gate, and rushed into the Major's apartment. Awakened by the noise, he sprang from his bed, seized a sword, and, though over eighty years old, drove them through two or three rooms; but, returning for other arms, they came behind him, stunned him with a hatchet, and overpowered him. Drawing him into the hall, they then placed him in an elbow-chair on a long table with a derisive cry, · Who shall judge Indians now?' They then obliged the members of the family to get them some supper; when they had finished eating, they cut the Major across the breast with knives, each one with a stroke saying, “I cross out my account." Cutting off his nose and ears, they thrust them into his mouth; and when he was falling down, spent with the loss of blood, one of them held his own sword beneath him: he fell upon it, and his sufferings were ended.” Hist. Mem. No. 111, A. H. Q.

" After the death of Major Waldron and the removal of the family by the Indians, his house was burnt. Otis's garrison was captured in a similar manner to Waldron's. The owner, Richard Otis, was killed, either in rising up in bed or on looking out the window. His son Stephen and daughter Hannah were killed; the latter, a child of two years, having her head dashed against the stairs. The wife and infant child of Richard Otis, and two chil

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