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thousand soldiers were quartered on their district, and, their popes having been driven out, Russians were appointed in their stead; and their churches having by a ukase been declared orthodox churches, the population were driven into the churches by the Cossacks. A regular tariff of punishment was instituted for the recalcitrants-fifty cuts with the Cossacks' naznika for the men, twenty-five for the women, ten for the children. They were stripped naked in the frozen fields, and, amidst the jeers of the soldiers, made to sign petitions to the Emperor to be allowed to enter the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Many poor peasants resisted to the death; some shut themselves up in barns and then set fire to them, and perished in the flames rather than sign the petition.

If anything could be "pleasant" in all this, it is the following trait. The Governor of Salvi-the Jeffries of our age-has instituted a subscription, which the whole Government pressure is brought to bear to support, for the insurgents in Herzegovina, those poor peasants suffering under the tyrannical procedures of the Turkish Government! Can oue push cynicism beyond this? Here is a peculiarly Russian trait.

Twenty thousand United Greeks are allowed to remain so, in order that the Government may point to them as a disproof that the United Greek Church is not tolerated in Russia!

Conversation at Constantinople.

IN our last number we pointed out that if the Turks had been aware of the efforts that were made in England to represent truly their condition, and if they had been aware of it themselves, the Crimean War never could have occurred.

The time is come when another Eastern War is on the cards. The same systematic misrepresentation of Turkey with which the Times laid the foundation of the former War is now in full play. As no Government, however, is now coming forward as the professed friend of Turkey, we may surely hope that she may be induced to put forth her strength and assert her independence.

This hope must derive strength from the circumstance that the truths about Turkey which Mr. URQUHART has now for twenty-one years been impressing on the Working Men's Committees are now the common topics of conversation at Constantinople. On the 24th of November last these truths were expounded in an address to the Newcastle Foreign Affairs Committee by Mr. CRAWSHAY and duly reported in the local papers. In the Times of the 23rd of December we find the substance of this address, and sometimes its very words, reported as the current conversation at Constantinople. We give in parallel columns some extracts from the letter of the Times Correspondent, which is dated December 16th, and from the address of Mr. CRAWSHAY, as reported in the Newcastle Journal, of the 25th of November:

Constantinople Special Correspondent of the Times, Pera, December, 16, 1875. If there is any exaggeration in the misgivings of the opponents of Turkish Government, there is, on the other hand, no.

Mr. Crawshay's Speech at Newcastle, 24th
of November, 1875.
PEOPLE talked about the oppression of
Christians in Turkey. Those who had
been there knew what nonsense that was.

lack of sanguine expectation on the part of its professed friends and champions. In the opinion of many of these latter, indeed, there was no actual reform wanted. "What is all this nonsense," they say, "about the oppression of Christians in Turkey? The Turks are the most tolerant people in the world. It is only a pity that the Christians have not been equally tolerant ; Christians have persecuted Christians; but as to the Turks, they have never done so," and they add that as to civil matters, Christians are already judged by their magistrates and bishops, and Ottomans by the Cadi, while disputes between persons of different faith are disposed of by mixed tribunals." There may be some truth in these assertions, and there have been, and perhaps are, qualities in the Mussulman which make him a more respectable being than his long-enslaved and degraded Christian fellow-subject. The question lies not in the nature of the people, but in the dealing of the Government towards them, and it may be admitted that in certain localities, and in certain respects, the condition of the Mussulman is even worse than that of the Christian, inasmuch as this latter manages to place himself under the protection of some foreign Consular agent interested to see him righted while the Mussulman has absolutely no person to whom he can apply for redress.

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Certainly the insurgents in Herzegovina cannot expect to be rewarded for their rebellion; but there are friends of Turkey who contend that there is no such thing as a Herzegovinian insurrection. "It is an insurrection in Herzegovina, but not an insurrection of Herzegovinians. The men in arms are not natives of the Province, but only bands of brigands invading it from the Servian, Montenegrin, and Austrian frontier. It is difficult to see on what ground the advocates of the Turkish Government place their reliance on the means it possesses of overcoming its enemies. They contend that "the Turkish Army is one of the most compact bodies in the world; that the Mussulmans are bound together brother to brother, constituting a most extraordinary force of resistance." They refer to the early stages of the war of 1854, where "the Turks twice defeated the Russians," and suggest that, "if the countries on the frontiers of Turkey are unwilling or unable to prevent the invasion of Turkish territory, the Porte

The Turks had been the most tolerant people in the world. Had the Christians been as tolerant of one another as the Turks had been of Christians? Christians had persecuted Christians; but the Turks had never done so. There was no oppres sion, and, upon the whole, the Christian people were loyal to the rule of the Sultan ; and he believed they thought themselves better off under the tolerant rule of the Sultan than under the military despotism of the Czar. Turkey was a most hospitable country. It was a country where all refugees were welcome, and not only welcome, but had much done for them. A considerable part of the people of Turkey were Circassians and Tartars from the Crimea, and they had been driven out by Russian tyranny and found refuge in Turkey, where they had been provided with land and houses by the Turkish Government. If they had come to England they would have had to shift for themselves. Turkey was more than an asylum-it was an hospitable country, and at the present time there were upwards of one milllon refugees there protected by the Government; and those refugees had come from Russia.

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They heard of an insurrection in the Herzegovina: but a book he had, written by ALI SUAVI, a Turk, said there was an insurrection in Herzegovina, but not of the Herzegovina. He believed very little of what he read in the papers on this question; but he believed there had been a continual influx of adventurers-invaders

across the frontiers of the Herzegovina, coming from Servia, Montenegro, and, he regretted to add, from Austria: and the single observation he should make upon the subject was this: the Ottoman Empire appeared to have committed the same mistake, owing to which the insurrection in Candia lasted for so many years. The insurrection in Candia was supported pretty nearly entely by invasion from Greece. After many years the Ottoman Government at last said, "Well, if this goes on we shall invade Greece;" and, the moment they said they would do that, the whole thing stopped. The Turkish army was one of the most compact bodies in the world. The Christians in Turkey

should put down the insurrection at its very sources by carrying the war beyond its frontier, or, in other words, by bidding defiance to Servia and Montenegro, and, if necessary, to Austria and Russia. But they do not reflect that twenty-one years have greatly altered the circumstances both of the Ottoman Empire and of its powerful neighbours; that Russia has gained in strength as much as Turkey has lost; and that, if the power of the Porte were really as well organised as they assert, its inability to subdue a few bards of ill-armed mountaineers, whether native or foreign, after six months' struggle, would be a most inexplicable phenomenon.

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The Turkish advocates, also, are fully satisfied with the conditions and prospects of the Ottoman finances. "There has been no repudiation," they say, "for the Turks are not unwilling, but only unable, to pay, and, indeed, they are anxious to pay all they can;" forgetting that inability to pay arises from mismanagement and malversation of the public money, and from the Sultan's unwillingness to curb bis extravagance. Even at the moment I am writing, two new ironclads are expected to come in, and orders have been sent out for the construction of another; and the building of the new mosque, which will cost no one knows how much above 2,000,0007., has not been suspended, nor is there any stint in the outlay of money to supply the unbounded luxuries of the palace. As I telegraphed to you, there is now little doubt that the 1,700,000l. required for the payment of half the coupon

were divided into various religions, but the Mussulmans mere bound together, brother to brother, and they constituted a force for resistance which was most extraordinary. They were a nation of soldiers, and to suppose that Russia could easily occupy Turkey was perfectly absurd. Those Mussulmans would fight to the last drop of their blood, and their resistance would be something unheard of in the world. All the trade of the Black Sea had to go through the Bosphorus, on each side of which were Turkish forts; and if Russia troublad Turkey, the Turks had only to close the Bosphorus, and thus extinguish the Black Sea trade with Russia. It was true there were stipulations affecting the closing of the Bosphorus in the Treaty of Paris; but if Russia were to tamper with the integrity and independence of Turkey, it would break that treaty; and if Russia broke the treaty why were the Turks to keep it? The one breach would dissolve the whole fabric; and consequently the moment an attempt was made against the integrity and independence of Turkey the answer would be to close the Bosphorus. When they looked at the great force Turkey possessed in her Mussulman population, and the great power it had to operate against Russia by closing the Bosphorus, he could only say that it seemed to him that nothing was wanted but a little courage and decision at headquarters to dissipate all those alarms that frightened people so much in this country.

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They were compelled to look upon the introduction of the loan system into Turkey as a pure and simple evil, from which no benefit whatever had been obtained. He would not go into the history of the loans which succeeded that of 1854, for the reason that the history was well known. They followed one another, until at last they reached the enormous sum of two hundred million pounds, involving a charge of between thirteen and fourteen millions upon a revenue which did not much exceed twenty millions. The introduction of this debt into that unhappy country caused a degree of disorder in money matters not to be described, and which could not have existed under the old system, by which the money had to be painfully raised by taxation, and could only be spent as it was raised, instead of being anticipated in this manner. Under these circumstances the demand

due in January will be forthcoming. But by what terrible grinding of the subjects has this money been scraped together! Here I subjoin intelligence from various provinces in Europe and Asia, on the authenticity of which I can safely reply.

In some of the Provinces of Asia Minor, where British and American residents heroically exerted themselves to assuage the ravages of the recent famine, the people address their benefactors in these words:

"Alas! you had better have let us die of starvation last year with the rest. All would then have been over, and we should have said the crops have failed; but now we have the bread which God has given through you taken out of our mouths to pamper the great men at Stamboul. May Allah requite them!"

It is at this price that the holders of the Ottoman bonds may expect to receive their half-dividend in January. How a revenue collected by such exhausting means will be equal to the payment of subsequent sums remains to be seen. In the meanwhile, people are here eagerly looking forward to the arrival of Messrs. HAMOND and BUTLER-JOHNSTONE, and the realisation of their compromise. Doubts are, however, entertained-first, as to the unanimity of the bondholders to give in to the projected arrangement, and, secondly, as to the willingness of the Turkish Government to accede to it.

for interest becoming greater and greater occasioned what had been called the Turkish default. The term repudiation could not be applied to it-repudiation meant the denial of a debt, and the refusal and unwillingness to pay. This unfortunate Government had paid as long as it could, and it had stopped payment because it could not pay any longer. Inability was not to be confounded with unwillingness.

There was but one danger to Turkey, and that was the danger of finance; and he hailed with the greatest satisfaction the coming forward of Mr. Hamond to endeavour to put the matter on a true basis. The Turkish Government did not say they would not pay, but that they could not, and wished to put off the payment; but Mr. Hamond came forward, and a good many were with him in London, and said to the Turkish Government, "Don't do that: we propose to you to remit to you that part of your debt which has not been received by you"-which, according to Mr. Hamond, amounted to 71,000,000. -"and to take interest upon that which we really have paid." Those were the two simple principles in Mr. Hamond's proposal; and he asked them with the utmost confidence to empower him to write to Mr. Hamond, and to assure him that their most earnest though humble efforts would be given in support of his noble purpose.

We may, after this, reasonably hope that there are amongst the Turks men to be found who will open the eyes of those actually in power, and arouse the whole Nation to the only dangers that menace their country; imitation of the habits, and trust in the friendship of Europe.

Mr. Butler-Johnstone on the Resumption by France of her Maritime Rights.

(Translated from "Le Monde," December 5th, 1875.)

TO THE EDITOR OF "LE MONDE."

SIR, I have read with infinite pleasure the series of letters in your journal. on Privateering under the signature of EMILE CARRON. People in England have, for a long time, been astonished that the public attention in France has not been called earlier to this important subject.

France by her geographical position is as much a maritime as a military

nation, and many sharp engagements in every part of the ocean have taught the English to respect as well as to acknowledge her naval prowess. How then has it come to pass that France, crushed by a military coalition, has not made use of an arm in which she not only surpasses her enemy, but in which the resources of the latter are not even to be compared with her own?

In a matter like this it is not a question of the interests of one maritime Power against another, but of maritime rights and power in general, as compared with and opposed to military power, as also to every other sort power. England having unhappily been the principal antagonist of France during the long wars of the Revolution, the Consulate, and the Empire, and being moreover essentially a maritime Power, a belief has obtained in France that the maritime interests of England are opposed to the military interests of France, and that whatever diminishes the former and increases the latter is necessarily favourable to France.

French statesmen have, under the prevalence of this idea, become the pliant tools of the other military Powers (Powers let it be understood exclusively military) for sacrificing the essential elements of maritime power, and committing a veritable suicide. Like SAMSON they shake the temple of maritime power, reckless of being buried under its ruins. What have we seen during the late war? For many years the Imperial Government had rivalled that of England in naval preparations; a competition-a ruinous competition, financially speaking, was kept up between the dock yards of the two countries. They both had to possess themselves of the most terrible instruments of naval destruction which modern science united to the most inexhaustible pecuniary resources could procure. It might then be naturally expected, that in the event of a war breaking out between one of the two nations, and a third nation, the consequences to the latter would be disastrous. Well! what happened? The splendid French marine, which was equal to that of the first Maritime Power in the world, and which had been acquired at the cost of so much care and money might never have had any existence at all for any benefit which France derived from it. And what was the cause of this? It was because French politicians, amid the applause of ignorant friends and crafty enemies, voluntarily relinquished the right of making use of France's preponderant power at sea.

Now let us consider, for a moment, what she could have done. Germany is a poor country and France is a rich one. France can pay five milliards of francs without impoverishing herself, and Germany can receive that sum not only without being enriched by it, but without being saved from a distressing financial crisis, under which she still labours, which was the result of a six months' war. For a nation like this, foreign commerce is its sinew of war-the very condition even of its existence. The stoppage of its commerce for a week-for a day-multiplies its embarrassments and paralyses its powers of aggression. France, nevertheless, having it in her power to strike a deadly blow at her enemy and to force him to relinquish his prey, voluntarily abstained from doing so! But enough of the past. Let us now advert to the future.

It is generally believed in Europe that, since the war, France has devoted all her attention to the augmentation of her means of defence, and that she has taken every care to protect herself against a recurrence of the late disasters; disasters which were owing in a great measure to the fact that a defensive war had never entered into the calculations of the diplomatists of the Empire. Their idea was conquest; not to render conquest impos

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