Almost at the very moment of the battle | Marlay's address to the Dublin Grandof Culloden the conciliatory Earl of Ches- Jury, after the suppression of the Scottish terfield was recalled from Ireland. His insurrection. "When posterity read . . . work was done, and done well. "England," says Plowden, with more than his usual point and force, "England was out of danger, and Ireland could securely be put again under its former régime." After a short interregnum, under three lordsjustices, the Earl of Harrington was appointed lord-lieutenant on the 13th of September.

that Ireland, where much the greatest part of the inhabitants profess a religion which sometimes has authorized, or at least justified rebellion, not only preserved peace at home, but contributed to restore it amongst his subjects of Great Britain, will they not believe that the people of Ireland were actuated by something more Ithan their duty and allegiance? Will they not be convinced that they were animated by a generous sense of gratitude and zeal for their great benefactor, and fully sensible of the happines of being blessed by living under the protection of a monarch, who, like the glorious King William," &c. Thus, if Irish Catholics of the present day are willing to plume themselves, as some Catholic writers have done, upon the unshaken loyalty of their ancestors in 1745, there is no doubt that they are fully entitled to all the credit which can come to them from that circumstance.

There was certainly no excuse for bringing the Irish back under the unmitigated terrors of the penal laws, on account of any manifestation of turbulence, or of a design to bring in the Pretender" during the last insurrection. On this point the most hostile authorities agree, and, although we do not take credit for the fact as a proof of loyalty" to the House of Hanover, the fact itself is indisputable. One remarkable witness is worth hearing on this question. In the year 1762, upon a debate in the House of Lords about the expediency of raising five regiments of these Catholics, for the service of the Under Lord Harrington's administration King of Portugal, Doctor Stone (then the debates on money bills formed the chief primate), in answer to some commonplace subject of public interest, and the only field objections against the good faith and on which Irish "patriotism" and the chamloyalty of these people, which were re-pions of English domination tried their vived with virulence on that occasion, strength. It was also becoming a matter declared publicly, in the House of Lords, that in the year 1747, after that rebellion was entirely suppressed, happening to be in England, he had an opportunity of perusing all the papers of the rebels, and their correspondents, which were seized in the custody of Murray, the Pretender's secretary; and that, after having spent much time and taken great pains in examining them (not without some share of the then common suspicion, that there might be some private understanding and intercourse between them and the Irish Catholics), he could not discover the least trace, hint, or intimation of such intercourse or correspondence in them; or of any of the latter's favouring, abetting, or having been so much as made acquainted with the designs or proceedings of these rebels. And what," he said, "he wondered at most of all was, that in all his researches, he had not met with any passage in any of these papers, from which he could infer that either their Holy Father the Pope, or any of his cardinals, bishops, or other dignitaries of that church, or any of the Irish clergy, had, either, directly or indirectly, encouraged, aided, or approved of, the commencing or carrying on of that rebellion."

Another, and still more singular attestation to the same fact is in Chief-Justice

more and more important to the English Government, because, notwithstanding the discouragements of trade and the distresses of the country people, Ireland had now a surplus revenue to dispose of, and the patriots naturally supposed this to be fairly applicable to public works within the island. Primate Stone, however, who was now in possession of all the influence of Boulter, and imbued with the same thoroughly British principles, contended that all the surplus revenue of Ireland, as a dependent kingdom, belonged of right to the Crown. The patriot party were led chiefly by two men-Henry Boyle, the Speaker of the House, and the Prime Sergeant, Antony Malone-the former an ambitious and intriguing politician, the latter an eloquent debater and most able constitutional lawyer. Outside of the House the patriotic spirit of the people-that is, the Protestant peoplewas inflamed by the writings of Dr. Charles Lucas, who had now, from petty corporation politics, risen to the height of the great argument of national independence. But it soon appeared that the Irish House of Commons was not yet prepared for the reception of such bold doctrines. Lucas and his writings were made the subject of a resolution in the House of Commons; he was but faintly

defended by his own partizans, and the majesty, ever thoughtful of the welfare resolution passed, declaring him as "an and happiness of his subjects, would enemy to his country,” even for asserting graciously consent and recommend it to the rightful independence of that very them that such part of the money then Parliament which had proscribed him. remaining in his treasury, as should be This event befell in 1749; a reward was thought consistent with the public service, offered for the apprehension of Lucas, be applied towards the further reduction and he fled from the kingdom. As usual of the national debt. "Consent" involved in such cases, the persecution directed a principle, and the Commons took fire against him attracted more attention to at the word. They framed the bill, his writings and bred more sympathy with appropriating £120,000 for the purpose his principles; so that when he returned a already stated, and omitted in its prefew years after, he became, for a time, the amble all mention of the consent. But most popular man in the kingdom. To in- ministers returned it with an alteration ternational questions thus narrowed down in the preamble signifying the consent, and to the mere right of voting or withholding containing the indispensable word. And money, it was impossible to give any high the House, unwilling to drive the matter constitutional interest, and, in fact, dur- to extremities, passed the bill without ing this administration not a single step further notice. Thus was established a in advance was gained by the "Patriot precedent for the King of England conparty. The struggle for power and senting to the Irish Parliament voting influence between Primate Stone and their own money. So far had the difSpeaker Boyle" was no more," says Mac-ferences proceeded, when Mr Pelham died, Nevin, "than the struggle of two ambitious and the Duke of Newcastle, who succeeded and powerful men for their own ends."

ease and happiness of your faithful subjects, has been graciously pleased to signify that you would consent,” and so forth.

him as prime minister, zealous to uphold In 1751 Lord Harrington was recalled. the prerogative, to improve upon the preThe Duke of Dorset, for the second time, cedent, and to repeat the lesson just given came to Ireland as lord-lieutenant, and the to the aspiring colonists of Ireland, sent question of Irish parliamentary control positive directions to Dorset, in opening over the revenues of the country came at the session of 1753. to repeat the expreslast to a crisis, and received a solution very sion of his majesty's gracious consent in little to the comfort of the Patriots. In mentioning the application of surplus the last session under Harrington's vice- revenue. The House, in their Address, royalty, as there was a considerable sur- not only again omitted all reference to plus in the Irish Exchequer, the House of that gracious consent, but even the former Commons determined to apply it towards expressions of grateful acknowledgment; the discharge of the national debt. A and the bill of supplies was actually bill had been accordingly prepared and transmitted to England without the usual transmitted to England with this view, complimentary preamble. The ministers to which was affixed the preamble: of the Crown in England, in their great "Whereas on the 25th of March last a wisdom, thought fit to supply it thus: considerable balance remained in the hands" And your majesty, ever attentive to the of the vice-treasurers or receivers-general of the kingdom, or their deputy or deputies, unapplied; and it will be for your majesty's service, and for the ease of your faithful subjects in this kingdom, that so much thereof as can be conveniently spared should be paid, agreeably to your majesty's most gracious intention, in discharge of part of the national debt," &c. On the transmission of this bill to London (Mr. Pelham being then prime minister), it was urged by the warm partisans of prerogative in the council that the Commons of Ireland had no right to apply any part of the unappropriated revenue, nor even to take into consideration the propriety of such appropriation, without the previous consent of the crown formally declared. When the Duke of Dorset came over, and opened the session of 1751, he informed the two Houses that he was commanded by the king to acquaint them that his

or

When the bill came over thus amended there was much excitement both in Parliament and in society. Malone was learned and convincing. Boyle, by his extensive influence and connections in Parliament, powerfully seconded, rather led, the opposition. And, notwithstanding the utmost exertions of the king's servants to do the king's business, the spirit of independence was sufficiently roused to cause the entire defeat of the amended bill, though only by a majority of five votes. The Commons wished to appropriate the money-the king consented, and insisted upon consenting; and then the Commons would not appropriate it at all, because the king consented. The defeat of the bill was considered as a victory of patriotism,

George's Lord Clare), in his often-quoted speech fifty years later, in so far as he demonstrated the anomalous and untenable relation between the two Parliaments of England and of Ireland. The English Protestant colony in Ireland, which aspired to be a nation, amounted to something under half a million of souls in 1754.* It was out of the question that it should be united on a footing of equality with its potent mother country, by "the golden link of the crown," because the wearer of that crown was sure to be guided in his policy by English ministers, in accordance with English interests; and as the army was the king's army, he could always enforce that policy. The fatal weakness of the colony was, that it would not amalgamate with the mass of the Irish people, so as to form a true nation, but set up the vain pretenstion to hold down a whole disfranchised people with one hand, and defy all England with the other.

and was celebrated with universal rejoic- And now the attemped vindication by the ings-even the Catholics joining in the Irish Legislature of its right to vote, or general joy, for they felt instinctively that not vote, its own money, was only the it was the weight of English predominance occasion of a high-handed royal outrage, which kept them in their degraded po- trampling upon every pretence of consition, and necessarily sympathized with stitutional law; and Irish "Patriots," if every struggle against that. Yet after unanswerable in their arguments, were all, this spirited conduct of the Commons impotent to make them good in fact; was but an impotent protest; for the for "the arguments on both sides were public service was now left wholly un-invincible." It is, in truth, impossible provided for, the circulation of money to avoid assent to the conclusions of almost ceased, trade and business suffered, Lord Clare (not O'Brien, King James's and a clamour soon arose, not more against Lord Clare, but Fitzgibbon, King the Government than against the Patriots. Thus the Court party had its revenge. The lord-lieutenant took the whole surplus revenue out of the treasury by virtue of a royal letter;" so the king, after all, not only consented to the act, but did the act wholly himself; and Speaker Boyle was removed from his seat at the Privy Council, and Malone's patent of precedence as prime sergeant was annulled. The viceroy and the primate took care to put some mark of royal displeasure upon every one who had voted down the Sapply Bill; and it may be doubted whether the English interest did not gain a more decisive victory by thus trampling with impunity upon all constitutional forms, than if the Irish Parliament had quietly submitted to the servile form prescribed to it. There was no visible remedy; the mob of Dublin might hoot the viceroy when his coach appeared in the streets; they could threaten and mob the primate or Hutchinson, or others who were conspicuous in asserting the obnoxious royal prerogative; yet they had no alternative but to submit. In the discussion of this question we might repeat the words of Swift when speaking of the case of Molyneux: "The love and torrent of power prevailed. Indeed, the arguments on both sides were invincible. For, in reason, all government without the consent of the governed is the very deffnition of slavery; but, in fact, eleven ren well armed will certainly subdue one single man in his shirt."

Still the colonists were multiplying and growing rich; and happily for them, England was on the eve of disaster and humiliation; and a quarter of a century later a gracious opportunity was to arise which gave them real independence for at least a few years.

CHAPTER XII.

1753-1760.

Unpopularity of the Duke of Dorset.-Earl of Kildare.-His Address.-Patriots in power.Pension List.-Duke of Bedford lord-lieutenant.Case of Saul.-Catholic meeting in Dublin.Commencement of Catholic agitation.-Address of the Catholics received.-First recognition of the Catholics as subjects.-Lucasian mobs.Project of Union.-Thurot's expedition.-Death of George II- Population.-Distress of the country. Operation of the Penal Laws-The Geoghegans. Catholic Petition. Berkeley's "Querist."

Up to this period we have invariably
found the struggles of the colony to take
rank as a nation-of its Parliament to as-
sert its independence-successfully re-
sisted and triumphantly crushed down.
The assertion of the jurisdiction of the
Irish lords in the case of "Sherlock
and Annesley" was instantly followed by
the Declaratory Act, which enacted that
the Irish lords had no jurisdiction at
all. The more anxiously our Irish
Parliament affirmed its sovereign right,
the more systematically were acts passed
by the English Parliament to bind Ireland. | by law not to exist in the world.

AFTER these high-handed measures of the
English ministry, of which Dorset was but

We take the estimate of the entire population for that year from the tables in Thom's official Almanac and Directory. For 1754 it is estimated at 2.372,634 men, women, and children. At the rate of five Catholics to one Protestant (which is Dr. Boulter's estimate), the active part of the population

was under half a million. The rest was assumed

the instrument, he became intolerable to the people of Dublin, as well as his son, Lord George Sackville, the primate, and every one professing "to do the king's business in Ireland." The duke, even before being recalled, found it necessary to go over to England, partly to avoid the odium of the Irish, but chiefly to take care of his interests and those of his family at the court. The colonial patriotism ran high; the mob of Dublin became "Lucasian." * The primate durst not appear on the streets; and the manner was then first introduced of expressing, by toasts, at private supper parties, some stirring patriotic sentiment or keen invective against the administration, in terse language, which would pass from mouth to mouth, and thence get into the newspapers. One of these toasts was, May all Secretary-Bashaws and lordly high-priests be kept to their tackle, the sword and the Bible." Another was, May the importation of Ganymedes into Ireland be discontinued," which was an allusion to unnameable vices attributed to Primate Stone.

sidered as a fit exemplar of government, making personal and ungracious reference and the matter for the present terminated to the private concerns of members of by a title and a pension conferred on the Parliament, but stating in general terms greatest patriot of the day. Henry Boyle that the pension list had become altobore about the blushing honours of his gether too enormous; that it had been public virtue, emblazoned on the coronet increased since the 23rd of March, 1755 of the Earl of Shannon. The primate-that is, within one year-by no less did not fare so well; he was removed from the privy council. The rest of the Patriots found comfortable retreats in various lucrative offices, and the most substantial compliments were paid to those who were noisiest in their patriotism and fiercest in their opposition,"

In 1756 the lord-lieutenant, now Duke of Devonshire, after having thus gratified the "Patriots," returned to England in delicate health-leaving as lords-justices, Jocelyn, lord chancellor, and the Earls of Kildare and Bessborough.

than £28,103 per annum; that these pensions were lavished upon foreigners, and upon people not resident in Ireland; and that all this was a loss and injury to the nation and to his majesty's service. Upon these resolutions, which did not touch too closely the Patriots' own private arrangements, there was a patriotic struggle, and even a patriotic triumph. The resolutions were passed, and were presented by Speaker Ponsonby to the viceroy, with the usual request that they should be transmitted to the king. He only replied that It is painful to be obliged to admit that the matter was of too high a nature for the transferrence of the power and pat- him to promise at once that he would ronage of the Irish Government into the forward such resolutions. Thereupon the hands of the Patriots was not productive of Speaker returned to the House and reany wholesome effect whatsoever-neither ported his reception. It was determined in favour of the Catholic masses (for the to make a stand, and next day a motion Patriots were their mortal enemies), nor was made that all orders not yet proceeded in favour of public virtue and morality, on should be adjourned, the House not for nobody demands to be bought at so having yet received any answer from the high a price as a patriot. Accordingly, lord-lieutenant as to the transmission of we soon find the whole attention of Parlia- their resolutions. This, of course, meant ment and of the country absorbed by that they would vote no supplies until inquiries into the enormously increased they should be satisfied on that point. pension list upon the Irish Establishment. The motion to adjourn everything was In March, 1756, some member (unpen-carried, by a strict party vote-those in sioned) of the Commons, introduced a favour of the resolutions voting for the bill to vacate the seats of such members adjournment, and those opposed to them of the House of Commons as should accept any pension or civil office of profit from the Crown. It was voted down by a vote of eighty-five to fifty-nine-a fatal and ominous warning to the nation. On the day when that measure was debated, a return of pensions was brought in and In September, 1757, the Duke of Bedread. Many of the first names in Ireland ford came over as lord-lieutenant — appear upon the shameful list; many specially instructed by Mr. Pitt to go foreigners or Englishmen; few or no upon the conciliatory policy. He was to meritorious servants of the state. The employ all softening and healing arts of Countess of Yarmouth stood upon that government. In fact, it is to the Duke of return for £4000; Mr. Bellingham Boyle, Bedford's administration we are to go a near relative of the illustrious "Pat-back for the commencement of that wellriot," for £800 "during pleasure" (that is, so long as he should make himself generally useful), and the Patriot himself, now Earl of Shannon, closed up the list with his pension of £2000 a year.

Although the bill to vacate the seats of pensioners was lost, the revelations of prevailing corruption were so gross that certain other members of Parliament not yet pensioned, again returned to the charge upon this popular grievance. A series of resolutions was, in fact, reported by the committee on public accounts, not, indeed,

voting against it. The lord-lieutenant immediately sent a message that he would transmit the resolutions without delay. Thus a small patriotic victory was gained without any one being injured, for nothing whatsoever came of these resolutions.

known Whig policy, of making use of the Patriotic Irish party, and even of the Catholics themselves, in support of the Whig party in England. There had been lately a considerable aggravation of the sufferings of the Catholics under the penal laws; the gentleness and forbearance exercised towards them during Chesterfield's vice-royalty had no longer a sufficient reason and motive; the halcyon days of connivance and extra-legal toleration were over, and the Catholics were once more under the full pressure of