English party. What matter to the prince, whether he receiv ed royal authority by bill or by address? Was there a man who would persume to libel him, and to assert, that the success of that measure would be a triumph to him?

There was a feature in the proceeding which, independent of every other objection to it, did in his mind make it highly reprehensible, and that was, that he considered it as a formal appeal from the parliament of England to that of Ireland. Respecting the parties, who made that appeal he should say nothing: but although there might be much dignity on their part in receiving the appeal, he could not see any strong symptoms of wisdom in it; because by so doing he should conceive we must inevitably sow the seeds of jealousy and disunion between the parliaments of the two countries; and though he did not by any means desire of the parliament of that country implicitly to follow the parliament of England, he should suppose it rather a wise maxim for Ireland always to concur with the parliament of Great Britain, unless for very strong reasons indeed they were obliged to differ from it. If it were to be a point of Irish dignity to differ with the parliament of England to show their independence, he very much feared that sober men in that country, who had estates to lose, would soon become sick of independence. The fact was, that constituted as it was, the government of that country, never could go on, unless they followed Great Britain implicitly in all regulations of imperial policy. The independence of their parliament was their freedom; their dependence on the crown of England was their security for that freedom; and gentlemen, who professed themselves, that night, advocates for the independence of the Irish crown, were advocates for its separation from England.

They should agree with England in three points:....one king, one law, one religion. They should keep these great objects steadily in view, and act like wise men, if they made the Prince of Wales their regent, and granted him the plenitude of power, in God's name let it be done by bill; otherwise he saw such danger, that he deprecated the measure proposed. He called upon the country gentlemen of Ireland; that that was not a time to think of every twopenny grievance, every paltry disappointment sustained at the castle of Dublin; if any man had been aggrieved by the viceroy, and chose to compose a philippic on the occasion, let him give it on the debate of a turnpike bill, where it would not be so disgraceful to the man who uttered it, and to those who would not listen to him, as it would be on the present occasion. He abominated the idea of restraining the prince regent in the power of making peers in that country, or in limiting him in the power of making grants on the narrow principles of suspicion and distrust. That was a question,

which rested upon very different ground in that country from that on which it had been taken up in England; and if gentlemen could reconcile to themselves a precedent for adopting in that country, a different form of executive government from that established in England, he had not the smallest apprehension that the powers, which might be committed to the Prince of Wales by the parliament of Ireland, would be abused by him.

The secretary of state said he lamented, that he was under the necessity of differing from those gentlemen, with whom he commonly acted, as to the mode suggested by them, of appointing a regent: he thought it should be done by an address, and that it could not be done by an act of parliament, though he agreed that an act of parliament might be proper to give the forms of law to the appointment of the two houses of parliament; but this was proper only because judges looked into the statute book, and not into the journals of parliament, for their direction in expounding the law; but he affirmed, that the lords and commons of Ireland, whether assembled in parliament or in convention, were fully competent to supply every deficiency in the supreme executive, from whatever cause such deficiency might arise.

A very long and violent debate ensued, the whole weight of which on one side fell upon the Attorney-General, who displayed extraordinary firmness and talent in opposing so powerful and confident a majority. Just before the close of the debate, Mr. Grattan endeavoured to recal the minds of gentlemen to the then posture of it. They had gained ground in the argument; the limitations were not defended: they were not, it was true, given up; they were alleged to be intended, and acknowledged to be indefensible; proposed, scouted, and adhered to; and in the contempt, into which that part of the plan of the castle had fallen, the vile insinuations of intended prodigality, and perverted bounty,(insinuations maliciously whispered against a great personage) had also fallen, and remained in the contempt they deserved. So far the plan stood condemned in the opinion of its principal supporters. Much personal satire and invective passed from both sides: and although it may be truly asserted, that no majority in the Irish House of Commons had ever cost so little to the country, it can not be dissembled that most, who had quitted their ranks on this occasion to vote for the address, speculated more confidently upon the future prospects under a new administration, than upon the chances of retaining the terms of their former engagements. About three o'clock the question having been put upon the resolution, it was carried without a division. During this debate some riots happened in the purfieus of the house, said to have been committed by gentlemen

of the College on some of the police men: several persons with arms having assailed the door-keepers, constables, &c. However the gentlemen of the College were acquitted of the charge by some of the members, who quitted the debate to enquire into the cause of the rioting.

On the 16th of the month the House of Lords met according to their last adjournment, when a motion was made for a further adjournment, (it being now the primary object of government to extend the Chapter of Accidents by gaining time) but was rejected. The Earl of Charlemont then moved for the address to the prince in the words of that, which had been voted in the commons, which with some amendment was carried by a majority of 19*. The address as amended, was as fol lows:

To His Royal Highness GEORGE Prince of WALES. The humble Address of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled.

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS.

"WE, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal "subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons "of Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave to approach your "royal highness with hearts full of the most loyal and affection"ate attachment to the person and government of your royal fa

ther, to express the deepest and most grateful sense of the "numerous blessings which we have enjoyed under that illustrious "house, whose accession to the throne of these realms has es"tablished civil and constitutional liberty, upon a basis which we trust will never be shaken; and at the same time to con"dole with your royal highness upon the grievous malady with "which it has pleased Heaven to afflict the best of sove"reigns.

"We have, however, the consolation of reflecting, that this แ severe calamity hath not been visited upon us until the "virtues of your royal highness have been so matured, as to en"able your royal highness to discharge the duties of an impor"tant trust, for the performance whereof, the eyes of all his majesty's subjects of both kingdoms are directed to your royal "highness.

"We therefore beg leave humbly to request, that your royal "highness will be pleased to take upon you the government of "this realm during the continuation of his majesty's present in"disposition, and no longer; and under the style and title of "Prince Regent of Ireland, in the name and on behalf his ma

6 Lords Jour. p. 233. The contents, with the proxies, being 45, and the non-contents 26, a protest was entered by most of the minority, which see in Appendix, No. LXXX. Protests are often the most authentic documents of the grounds upon which particular measures are supported or opposed.

"jesty, to exercise and administer according to the laws and "constitution of this kingdom, all regal powers, jurisdiction, "and prerogatives to the crown and government thereof be"longing."

On the next day (17th) a message was received by the commons from the lords, that they had concurred with the commons in their address with the amendment, which the attorneygeneral endeavoured to convert to the purpose of delay, by proposing a conference upon it with the lords, and even by objecting to some grammatical inaccuracies in the wording of the amendment. It was however insisted upon by Mr. Ponsonby and others, that as the lords had agreed to the address upon the same principles as the commons, no delay should be permitted; the question therefore having been put upon the lords amendment, it was carried unanimously. On the 19th both houses waited upon the lord lieutenant with their address, and requested him to transmit it to his royal highness. With this request his excellency refused to comply; returning for answer, that under the impressions he felt of his official duty, and of the oath he had taken, he did not consider himself warranted to lay before the prince an address, purporting to invest his royal highness with powers to take upon him the government of that realm, before he should be enabled by law so to do; and therefore was obliged to decline transmitting their address to Great Britain.

.

Upon the return of the commons to their own house, and the answer of the lord lieutenant being reported to them, Mr. Grattan observed, that in a case so extremely new, it would be highly improper to proceed with hurry or precipitation; the house was called upon to act with dignity, firmness, and decision; and therefore, that due time might be had for deliberation, he would move the question of adjournment; which was put and carried without opposition.

On the day following Mr. Fitzherbert moved, that the lord lieutenant's answer should be entered on the journals.

Mr. Grattan said, he was satisfied to let the answer be entered on the journals, in order to make way for some resolutions, which he intended to propose, as necessary to carry the intention of the two houses into effect, and as a vindication of their honour and constitutional conduct.

The answer being entered on the journals, Mr. Grattan moved, "that his excellency the lord lieutenant having thought proper to decline to transmit to his Royal Highness George "Prince of Wales, the address of both houses of parliament, a competent number of members be appointed by this house, "to present the said address to his royal highness."

*This motion brought on a very warm debate, in which the attorney-general travelled again over the whole of his ground, but with no more effect than before: Mr. Grattan's motion was carried by a majority of 130 against 74.

Then Mr. Grattan moved," that Mr. Conolly should attend "the lords with the said resolution, and acquaint them, that the "commons requested them to appoint members of their own body to join with the members of the commons in presenting "the said address."

This also passed without any division; and Mr. Conolly went up to the lords accordingly.

The message received in reply was, that the lords had concurred in the resolution of the commons, and had appointed his Grace the Duke of Leinster and the Earl of Charlemont to join with such members as the commons should appoint to present the address of both houses to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

Mr. Grattan then moved, "that the Right Honourable Tho"mas Conolly, the Right Honourable J. O'Neil, the Right "Honourable W. B. Ponsonby, and J. Stewart, Esq. should "be appointed commissioners on the part of the commons for "the purpose of presenting the address to his Royal Highness "the Prince of Wales," and they were appointed unanimously.

These motions having passed, Mr. Grattan then moved, "that the two houses of parliament had discharged an indis"pensable duty, in providing for the third estate of the Irish "constitution (rendered incomplete through the king's incapa"city) by appointing the Prince of Wales regent of Ireland.

Mr. Grattan afterwards moved, "that it be resolved, that "his excellency the lord lieutenant's answer to both houses of "parliament, requesting him to transmit their address to his "Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, is ill advised, contains an unwarrantable and unconstitutional censure on the proceedings of both houses of parliament, and attempts to ques"tion the undoubted rights and privileges of the lords spiritual 66 and temporal and commons of Ireland." To which Sir Frederick Flood, though he had voted for the address, objected, believing that whilst his excellency acted erroneously, he still acted up to the best of his judgment: and the attorneygeneral moved the following amendment," although that house "could not know the impressions of official duty, nor the obli"gation of the oath under which his exellency felt himself obliged to act, and although his Royal highness the Prince of

79 Par. Deb. p. 128. On this occasion Mr. Grattan would not speak, alleging after a division, that it was a time for acting, not speaking, 153. A list of the majority and minority may be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXI,