those constitutional forms which were the best security for its privileges, and which were then, in fact, the only subject in debate. The single part of his digressions in which he would follow the honorable gentleman, was the insinuation he had thrown upon his motives, in having introduced Ireland as an object inseparably connected with the discussion of the present treaty. Mr. Sheridan defended his conduct in this respect, and commented on the expressions of another member (Mr. Hawkins Browne), who had said, that Ireland could not expect the same concession as France, from this country, because she had nothing to give in return; and concluded with a declaration, that it was his intention to bring this subject regularly before the house, when an opportunity would be afforded to gentlemen to support their insinuations by argument if they could; or a necessity to retract them upon conviction of their error. With regard to the honorable gentleman's allusion, to his being a selfappointed representative for Ireland, he should only say, that he trusted some credit would be given to his acting, independently of the influence of such a nomination; otherwise he must observe that it was a fortunate circumstance, that if the kingdom of Ireland had a representative in the British parliament, the lord lieutenant was possessed of the same privilege; and he trusted that it would no more be suspected that he was influenced by prejudices in favor of the country he represented, than that the honorable gentleman was directed by a servile acquiescence in the opinion of his noble constituent. Mr. Sheridan then entered into the original argument which had been first suggested by him to the house, relative to the irregularity of proposing such an address as that which was desired to be voted; enlarging upon his former arguments, and declaring that the real question was not whether the French treaty was desirable or otherwise; but whether the vital and essential privileges of parliament, con

nected with their deliberative and legislative capacity, should be sacrificed as a mere matter of compliment at the foot of the throne.

Mr. Sheridan again rose, and said, he meant to move a new question-the question of adjournment, in order that he might have an opportunity of proposing a resolution upon the subject of the extraordinary doctrines laid down by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; doctrines as new and as unconstitutional as were ever heard within those walls! If the right honorable gentleman had entertained the notion which he had just suggested to the house, the right honorable gentleman ought to have risen the other day, and declared that he did entertain such opinions, when he (Mr. Sheridan) had expressly said, that an address precluded the house from farther debate, and ought not, therefore, to be a measure proposed, till every other step had been taken, and the house had given its final vote. By his silence, when he had thus talked of an address, the right honorable gentleman had given his assent to his argument. The right honorable gentleman had told the house, that he could produce a precedent for such an address as the present, and had instantly mentioned one of his own. This was the great feature of the right honorable gentleman's adminstration, which commenced in proceedings directly contrary to the constitution, and had abounded with instances of outrage against it. But he, nevertheless, dared the right honorable gentleman openly to stand up and maintain, that an address, of the nature of that which the house had that night been called upon to vote, could be justified. And he would also mention one particular instance of the right honorable gentleman's conduct, which must cover him with shame and confusion; and that was, his having two years ago persuaded that house to vote an address upon the report of the Irish propositions; and two days afterwards the right honorable gentleman came down to that house, and

brought in a bill, the preamble of which contradicted, and was widely different from the words of the report. Mr. Sheridan, after complaining of the right honorable gentleman for having charged a right honorable friend of his (Mr. Burke) with a recantation of principles and doctrines which he had never avowed, but which had been avowed by another right honorable friend of his (Mr. Fox), concluded with declaring, that when the bill came to be read a first time, he would move to give his negative to the motion, on purpose to have the doctrines of the right honorable gentleman fairly and fully discussed.

Mr. Pitt replied.

Mr. Sheridan answered, if the right honorable gentleman persisted in denying that any member was not free to give his vote against a bill, after voting for an address of the nature of that then in question; he certainly would say no to the first reading of the bill, for the purpose of bringing the question fairly under discussion.

The house divided on Mr. Sheridan's motion of an adjournment ; ayes 160; noes 236. The main question was then put and carried.

MARCH 7.

COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH FRANCE.

Mr. Fox, after a speech of considerable length, moved, "That it is necessary to declare, that no address from this house to the throne can, in any degree, bind or pledge this house, in its legislative capacity, or bar the subject's right of petitioning this house, upon any bill depending in parliament, although such bill be founded upon, and conformable to, such an address, previously agreed to by the house."-Mr. Pitt observed, as he could not admit the necessity of the motion, he would move, in order to negative the whole, to prefix the following words, by way of amendment, viz. "That it is now necessary to declare," &c.

Mr. SHERIDAN begged leave to call to the recollection of the right honorable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), that he had, on a

former occasion, charged him (Mr. Pitt) with having not only brought in a bill differing in the vital part of the system, in the permanency of it, from the resolutions grounded on the Irish propositions; but had asserted, that the Secretary in Ireland had also brought in a bill there, differing as much from the English bill; and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer of Ireland had laid great stress in his argument, on the circumstance that the Irish bill did so essentially differ from the bill sent over from England. The right honorable gentleman had formerly said, he no longer should consider himself as useful to his country, if he could not carry the measure respecting Ireland through. Mr. Sheridan ridiculed some words which, he declared, he had taken down, as the reason assigned by the right honorable gentleman in justification of the address, viz. that such a visionary and abominable stile of argument had been taken by opposition against the commercial treaty, that it became necessary, as soon as possible, to carry the resolutions up to the throne with an address, in order to convince the people that parliament was not swayed by such sort of argument. The considerable majority the treaty had been carried by, might (Mr. Sheridan said) sufficiently have operated to shew, that, however, forcible the arguments of his right honorable friend had intrinsically been, they had not been allowed to have much weight within those walls. Since, however, so new a reason to justify an address had been stated, he would advise the right honorable gentleman, another time, not to rest the justification of his address upon a casual intimation in the course of his speech, but to confess the fact, and to declare it in express words in the preamble of the address. itself. He should not, therefore, wonder to see very shortly an address beginning thus: "Whereas the right honorable Charles James Fox has used certain abominable arguments, of a nature tending to convince the public of the fallacy of the measures now

pursuing," &c. &c. &c. Mr. Sheridan now begged leave to notice what the right honorable gentleman had said of minorities; and declared that the right honorable gentleman had been in the only situation in a minority, that could make a man's voting in a minority contemptible, viz. the holding his office as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, nevertheless, voting in a minority. Such a situation was not only contemptible, but unconstitutional; besides it proved that, great even as his respect for majorities, and ardent as his love for them was, his love of office was greater; since the fact established, beyond all possibility of contradiction, that possession of office was his first of all objects. Mr. Sheridan at length returned to the immediate question, which he particularly pressed upon the house, instancing the general mode of proceeding all through the business; and in particular the blending the two subjects, the resolutions respecting the French treaty, and the resolutions relative to the consolidation of duties, in one bill, as unanswerable proofs that it was right to come to some general resolution, in order to guard the constitution against dangerous and (as his right honorable friend had asserted) unnecessary innovation; for the address could not forward the carrying the treaty into effect a single day, because it could neither open our ports to French ships, lower the duties, or in any degree whatsoever smooth the way to the opening of a commercial intercourse. Such a resolution could not, in the first instance, be denied to be true; and if that were universally admitted, could any one time be assigned as a more fit moment for putting it upon their Journals, than that moment immediately after their having voted an unconstitutional address to the crown; and after the contradictory conduct of the right honorable gentleman, who had, in the early progress of the business, argued as if it were right to pledge the house; and had asked what reason could be assigned, why it should not be