« PreviousContinue »
choice; and I have no fear that, under any con get there by being in accordance with the Constistruction which the Supreme Court may place on tution of the United States, and whatever is in the Kansas and Nebraska act, the citizens of the that instrument is right. slaveholding States will suffer any injustice at the The honorable gentleman from Ohio [Mr. hands of those whom gentlemen are pleased to Nichols] said much about "Buchanan, Breckcall squatters.
inridge, and free Kansas." Sir, I am for free There are many in the ranks of the Democratic Kansas; I am for Kansas-free to select her own party who differ from me on this point--some i institutions, and work out her own destiny; free hoping and some fearing that the people will from the control of influences foreign and alien exclude slavery if they have the power. We to her interests; free from the withering invasion honestly differ in opinion on a matter of opinion; of fanaticism; free, as Kentucky is free, and as and I hope no gentleman will say we construe the North Carolina is free. act differently,
because we differ in opinion as to The gentleman from Ohio and his associates the choice the people will probably make. are not for free Kansas. They would enslave
Mr. Speaker, I advocated the Kansas and Ne- Kansas, for the hope of changing the social status braska bill at the time it was enacted. I have of an inferior race. They would enslave the white advocated it throughout the long and trying ordeal man of Kansas-deprive him of his political freethrough which it has passed. I stand upon the dom, that the negro may be free. bill as it is in all its features. I will make no new Sir, I am for free white men, and free States issue on it, for a new issue involves renewed agi- everywhere. The gentleman from Ohio and his tation, and a surrender of the great points already associates are for free negroes. I am for free gained. Give us a faithful execution of that law, Kansas; and was for Buchanan and Breckinand my constituents will be satisfied. If squatter | ridge, because I believed them to be for free sovereignty is in it, it gets there, and can only | Kansas.
HON. LAWRENCE O'B. BRANCH,
OF NORTH CAROLINA,
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 24, 1856.
The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the officers from the North, and that such a course state of the Union,
would dissolve the Union. I understand him to Mr. BRANCH said:
intimate very distinctly that the South ought not
to remain in the Union under such circumstances. Mr. CHAIRMAN: A great and vital contest has || Against such a party, openly avowing such a commenced, and is now raging before the people | purpose, the friends of the Union and the Conof this country. If we estimate its importance stitution should be indissolubly united. Certainly by the magnitude of the results to flow from it, nothing less than the arrant folly of the madsuch a one has not, in my opinion, occurred man could produce division in the minority secsince the establishment of the Government. The tion at such a crisis. The noble and patriotic portentous flag of Black Republicanism has been citizen of the North, who, scorning the demaraised, and around it have rallied not only the gogue cry of “slaveocracy,
" and "southern fanatical and political Abolitionists who profess- || domination," stands upon the Constitution and edly aim at the total abolition of negro slavery fights for the Union, regardless of sections, eneverywhere, but also a body of men far more counters prejudices which demagogues excite dangerous, who would reach the same result by: || against him. He maintains a cause which the rendering odious and proscribing the slaveholder, I ignorant and uninformed in his own section have and limiting the influence and checking the growth | been taught to believe hostile to their own interof those States in which negro slavery exists. Ignorance, malice, and fanaticism taunt Under the folds of this flag are found those who him as a doughface and a traitor. He withstands. would refuse equal privileges to the citizens of it all, because he is conscious of right, and fearthe different sections of the Confederacy, and who || less of consequences. But when he finds himseek to destroy the equality of the States of the self vilified at the North, and unsupported at the Union. The party formed of such materials, and South-when he sees a powerful party organized aiming at such objects, is, of course, and must in his own section, for the avowed purpose of always remain, strictly sectional in its organiza- || giving that section preëminence over the South, tion. It has no existence out of the non-slave- and its citizens preference over the citizens of the holding States. But as those States have a large | South; and when he sees a large party at the majority of Congress, and of the electoral college, South refusing to coöperate with him to defeat its success in getting entire control of the Govern- | that party, because he cannot, consistently with ment is not at all impossible, nor, under the state the principles on which he has planted himself, of things now existing, at all improbable. I am advocate a discrimination between the foreignno disunionist, nor, alarmist. Nor is Mr. Fill- || born and native-born citizen, he may falter in his
But he has warned us against the election efforts. When he sees a large part of the South of Frémont, and tells us that one of the conse-advocating a discrimination between the citizens quences must be a dissolution of the Union.
of the country, therein differing from the Black Mr. A. K. MARSHALL. I think the gentle- || Republicans only as to the class against whom man from North Carolina does not correctly state the principle is applied, may he not commence to Mr. Fillmore's position. He says that, if Mr. inquire whether our aims are more justifiable and Frémont carries out the policy of appointing none | constitutional, in this respect, than those of the but northern men to his Cabinet, it would cause a Black Republicans? We have slaves to perform dissolution of the Union.
our labor, and no foreigners. The North has no Mr. BRANCH. My friend from
Kentucky is slaves, and its labor is performed by foreigners. correct as far as he goes. But Mr. Fillmore says The North may claim that the Constitution guarMr. Frémont would necessarily take all his high || anties to its foreign labor as much as it guaranties
to us our slave labor; and the foreign laborer or four others. I think our chance there would be worth being as indispensable to the North as the slave | that of both the opposing parties together. is to the South, the northern statesman may
“ The nominations just made ought to unite the North
on the Republican platform, wbile dividing the_South refuse to defend us from unjust discrimination between the two pro-slavery parties."—New York Tribune so long as we insist on a discrimination against, of March 1, 1856. himself and his own section. By such a course The friends of Mr. Fillmore at the South should of reasoning, a large number of voters at the take warning; and now, before the heated feelings North, who would otherwise act with us, may of partisans have supplanted the sober calculations be kept from the pol or driven into the ranks of judgment, they should determine that no reof the Black Republicans; whilst another large membrance of former contests with the Demonumber of intelligent and influential men, dis- cratic party shall prevent them from casting their gusted or alarmed at the folly and ingratitude | votes for Mr. Buchanan, and appealing to their under the influence of which we refuse, on ac- il associates at the North to do likewise. count of minor questions, to give an effective It is obvious, Mr. Chairman, that some excuse support to the only party which has a national is necessary for dividing the South at this fearful organization, and holds out any hope of defeating juncture.. Unable to deny the palpable facts to Black Republicanism, will stand aloof from the which I have alluded; compelled to admit that contest.
the Democratic party is the only party that posThe continuance of Mr. Fillmore on the list of sesses strength in every State of the Union, and candidates is dividing the friends of the Consti- can hold out any hope of uniting the patriotism tution and the Union. Without a possibility of of the whole country against the supporters of success, he has not friends enough in some of Frémont; and compelled, too, to admit the soundthe northern States to make it worth while to run ness of the principles for which the Democratic an electoral ticket in his favor. Without a reason- | party is contending, at least so far as the quesable prospect of carrying one single electoral vote, tions connected with slavery are concerned, the he yet has friends enough in many of those States southern supporters of Mr. Fillmore are driven to cancel the Democratic majorities. The whole to rely on a few frivolous charges against Mr. country knows that the great bulk of the Know Buchanan, personally, to furnish an excuse for Nothings North have, through their convention, their extraordinary conduct. I propose to devote nominated Frémont, and that the small portion a few moments, and but a few moments, to their of the party who are supporting Mr. Fillmore examination. have, under all circumstances, refused to support 1. It is said that, forty-four years ago, he dethat gentleman. Hence, it is a well-known fact, clared that if he had a drop of Democratic blood that two thirds of Mr. Fillmore's friends at the il in his veins he would let it out. It is strange that North, if compelled to choose between Mr. Buch- persons, who have themselves always displayed anan and Mr. Frémont, would vote for the such mortal aversion to Democratic blood, and former,
everything else Democratic, should urge such a The joy of the Black Republicans at the con- charge against Mr. Buchanan. But it is not true tinuance of Mr. Fillinore in the field is not re that he ever made such a declaration. Mr. Buchstrained even by obvious considerations of pru anan himself, many years ago, publicly, in the dence and policy. As showing how they chuckle newspapers, pronounced it false; and a large over our divisions, and what effect in their favor number of his neighbors, over their signatures, they expect from it, I present extracts from the also pronounced it false. Not a particle of proof two leading papers of that party:
has ever been adduced to establish its truth.
2. It is said he was a Federalist. He shouldered “ Such is the programme of the next presidential campaign ; and we are free to confess that we are most thanks his musket, as a private, and marched to Baltiful to Mr. Fillmore and his friends for having produced this more, to defend it against the British. If he was Of course, nobody will vote for Mr. Fillmore who
a Federalist, it is a pity there were not more would not, in the existing state of affairs, have voted for
Federalists of the same sort in the country. the Democratic instead of the Republican ticket; and, therefore, it necessarily follows, that the third party will
3. It is said that he approved certain resoludraw votes only from the Democratic ticket. The only tions passed by a public meeting in Lancaster, question of principle involved in the next contest is the in 1819, disapproving of slavery in the Territoextension of slavery, by the direct legislation of Congress, ries. That was thirty-seven years ago. Mr. into territory now free through the repeal of the Missouri compromise, made in good faith in 1820, and resistance to
Buchanan may have been at the meeting; he may
have been on the committee, and still not have “Of course, with three tickets in the field, the triumph approved the resolutions, as every one knows of those who oppose slavery extension by the General Gov
who has been in the habit of attending political ernment-oppose the violation of plighted faith and the revival of slavery agitation-and insist upon the right of the meetings. Few of us would like to be held people, whether of the North or the South, to regulate responsible for all that was said and done at all their internal affairs to suit themselves without molestation
the public meetings we have ever attended. But, from any source whatever--is placed beyond all question.
“We feel assured, that in the approaching presidential admitting that he did then approve them, he has contest, we, the aggrieved party of the North, will tri been in public life continuously since that time. umph."-New York Courier and Enquirer, March 26, 1856. He has been a member of Congress almost con
“The friends of free Kansas would have a hard battle stantly since the slavery agitation commenced, this autumn it their adversaries were united; but with the nomination of Fillmore and Donelson at Philadelphia, and
and not a single vote has he ever given hostile to of men equally obsequious to slavery at Cincinnati, we
southern institutions. Throughout all that agitaouglat to be able to triumph on the direct vote of the people. tion he has uniformly sustained the rights of the Should the Fillmore diversion throw the electoral vote of slaveholding States, and commanded the confiPennsylvania and New Jersey to the Democratic ticket, we must take our chance in the House, where we have so
dence of the purest statesmen of the South. For recently carried the Speaker, and where we should start more than thirty years he has been conspicuously with the vote of thirteen States certain, and a tie in three | before the country as a public officer, having
that act of bad faith.