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Mr. Fillmore for companions in misfortune. Il most formidable and vindictive enemy, because propose to examine that platform only so far as smarting under the sting of degradation and to see whether it contains anything so important insult. Civil war, riots, bloodshed in every or so urgent as to require or justify the division shape, revolution, and social disorder, would of the South at this most fearful juncture. necessarily follow from such a policy. If they
1. The first object is, that “Americans shall are not to be made citizens of, and amalgamated rule America." No one objects to that. Amer- with us, keep them out of the country. Arm your icans have always ruled America, ever since our forts, and man your ships, and drive them from forefathers declared their independence of the our coasts as you would an army of invaders. British crown. The great body of the people 3. The repeal of all laws making grants of lands rule America. They are Americans, (not Know to foreigners. Nothings,) having American principles, Ameri I know of but one law making grants of lands can ideas, and American interests. So long as the to foreigners. That was an act passed 27th of people rule, "Americans will rule America.” If, | September, 1850, " to make donations to settlers however, it is meant to say, that a few foreign-i on the public lands in Oregon.”. It was signed by born citizens holding office is incompatible with Mr. Fillmore, as President, and without his approval this great principle, I deny it. It is a great mis- could not have become a law. It is as follows: take for a few office-holders or office-seekers to “Sec. 4. That there shall be, and hereby is, granted to suppose that office-holders rule this country. If | every white settler, or occupant of the public lands-Amerthat was the case, the Government would have
ican half-breed Indians included-above the age of eighteen
years, being a citizen of the United States, or having made ceased to be the popular Government our fore a declaration, according to law; of his intention to become a fathers established, and it would be time for citizen, or who shall make such a declaration on or before the another revolution. I know that the little bust 1st day of December, 1851, now residing in said Territory,
or who shall become a resident thereof on or before the 1st ling politicians who are always after office, and who think that “thou shalt not hold office" is the day of December, 1850, and who shall have resided upon,
and cultivated the same, for four successive years, and direst punishment that can be denounced against a shall otherwise conform to the provisions of this act, the citizen, flatter themselves that when they
get into quantity of one half-section, or three hundred and twenty office they will rule the country. But theirs is a
acres, of land, if a single man; and if a married man, or
shall become married within one year from December 1, great error. The first appointment ever made by 1850, one section, or six hundred and forty acres--half to General Washington to his Cabinet was of Alexan- himself, and half to his wife."-Statutes at Large, vol. 9, der Hamilton, a foreigner by birth, to be Secreta- p. 497. ry of the Treasury. One of the first appointments That law ought to be repealed. It ought never he made to the bench of the Supreme Court was to have been passed. I condemn Mr. Fillmore of James Wilson, a foreigner by birth. The for approving it. But what is to be thought of a first appointment made by Mr. Jefferson was of party that attributes to others as a crime the act Albert Gallatın to be Secretary of the Treasury of its own candidate? Every Administration from that day to this has 4. The thirteenth article of the platform is a appointed foreigners, and nobody has ever found general indictment against the administration of out, until Know Nothingism sprung up, that General Pierce, containing many counts. Americans were not ruling America. If, when The first count is for removing Know Nothings we were only five millions strong, General Wash- from office. Every Know Nothing is, or was, ington and Mr. Jefferson did not fear to appoint required, on initiation, to take an oath, as follows: . them to the highest places, we need not fear to " That you will not vote, nor give your influence, give them a few small offices, now that we are for any man for any office in the gift of the people, twenty-five millions strong:
unless he be an American-born citizen, in favor 2. The denial to all foreigners of the right to of Americans ruling America;” that is, unless he be naturalized, as heretofore, in five years; or, is a Know Nothing, “nor if he be a Roman what is a practical denial, the extension of the Catholic;" and “that you will support in all probation period from five to twenty-one years. political matters, for all political offices, members
They do not propose to exclude foreigners from of this order in preference to others.” Having the country, but to admit them, (the old platform sworn to proscribe everybody differing from him promised them protection and a friendly
welcome, in opinion, what right has the Know Nothing to and Mr. Fillmore, in one of his recent speeches, complain if those differing from him proscribe has repeated its languge;) and when they get him? here, to place them on a level, socially and po Again he swears: “That you will, in all politlitically, with free negroes. If foreigners are | ical matters, so far as this Order is concerned, pouring into the country as rapidly as the Know comply with the will of the majority, though it Nothing's represent, we would, under the opera- | may conflict with your personal preferences;" tion of this rule, have among us, in a few years, that is, that he will submit himself implicitly to several millions of white men, of the same color the will of “the Order," and vote as it directs with ourselves, possessing equal intelligence, him. If the Know Nothing is right in proscribing equal pride, and equal sensibility with ourselves, the Roman Catholic, because he owes obedience and yet degraded by the laws to the level of the to the Pope in religious matters, the Democrats free negro. Who would tolerate a proposition are certainly right to proscribe the Know Nothto admit among us such a number of free negroes? | ing who has yielded up his freedom of judgment,
Yet it is proposed to make of all that and owes obedience to “ the council" in political number of foreigners the most bitter and implac- l matters. able foes to us and our institutions. The free Again he swears: “ That if it may be done negro is not our enemy, because, conscious of legally, you will, when elected or appointed to the inferiority of his race, he aspires not to equalany official station, conferring on you
power ity. But the unnaturalized foreigner would be a | to do so, remove all foreigners, aliens, or Roman
Catholics (though they may be native-born)|| sonal and political friends of Mr. Fillmore, spoke from office or place.”
as follows:* Now, sir, I have never been a great admirer of If either gets into power, the Missouri restricthe spoils system, as practiced by all parties to a tion will, in my opinion, be restored. It cannot certain extent, and by none to half the extent be otherwise; and I leave to others to penetrate that the Know Nothings carry it—the practice of the future, and tell us the consequences. Some turning everybody differing from us out of office; l of Mr. Fillmore's friends—the gentleman from but I do hold that no man who has taken this Indiana, (Mr. Dunn,) for instance---say it shall oath ought to be continued in office one moment, be restored, and refuse to vote a dollar to carry and allowed to turn out to starve, perhaps better on the Government until the refractory Senate men than himself, merely because they profess and President yield their consent. Others of his an unpopular religious faith, whilst perhaps he friends desire its restoration, but seeing no poshimself has no religion at all.
sibility of bringing the Senate to terms, are opThe second count is on " a truckling subserv-posed to agitating it during this Congress. The iency to the stronger, and an insolent and cow
southern friends of Mr. Fillmore, who stand on ardly bravado towards the weaker powers.
this platform, admit that the Missouri comprolanguage in which this count is couched must
mise was unjust and unconstitutional, and ought have been borrowed from Major Donelson's
never to have been enacted, but seem to object to editorials against Mr. Fillmore, when the latter the repeal, because it “ reopened sectional agita
tion. was making (no doubt honest) efforts to
Does it never occur to such, that the
uppress fillibustering against the island of Cuba. "Truck- surest possible mode which they could adopt to ling subserviency to Spanish despotism” was the keep up and perpetuate that sectional agitation is
to denounce the Kansas and Nebraska bill as a sort of phrases in which he daily indulged. I may safely leave the brilliant conduct of our rela- great wrong, and yet refuse to aid inets repeal? tions with England, the unanimous commenda- Can they expect the agitation ever to cease so tiou bestowed on it by Senators, presses, and long as they continue to occupy that position? private individuals of all parties, and the suc
A bad law may inflict on the country less injury cessful and highly honorable settlement of our
than a long and angry agitation for its repeal; differences with that “ stronger Power,"' to refute and if the Kansas and Nebraska bill were as bad the first charge. And I challenge the production
as they represent it, they can never be justified of one instance of “insolent and cowardly bra- in contributing to keep alive the strife which prevado towards the weaker Powers." It is not
vails in the country. But it is not a bad law. It true. Never have our foreign relations been on
was a great measure of justice and right. It was a better footing than they are at this moment.
but the long deferred payment of a great debt due
to the Constitution of the eountry. The third count is on the “ reckless and unwise policy of the Administration," " as shown in the *“ Since the speech was delivered, the House of Reprerepeal of the Missouri compromise.” For the sentatives, con motion of Mr. Dunn, of Indiana, who is at
the head of the Fillmore electoral ticket of the State, has sake of comparison, I here present the preamble passed a bill restoring the Missouri compromise-Mr. Hato the Black Republican platform, of June 17, ven, of New York, the law partner and friend of Mr. Fill1856:
more, voting for it.", "Mr. Wilmot then submitted the following report:
What was the Kansas and Nebraska bill, that it 66 The Platform. This convention of delegates, assem
should be thus denounced? The Missouri restriebled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the tion had always been regarded, by many able United States, without regard to past political differences or statesmen of both sections, as a violation of the divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri compromise, to the policy of the present Administration, to the extension of slavery into free Territory, in favor of the “As regards the question of slavery, Fillmore will sup admission of Kansas as a free State, of restoring the action
port the old compromises to which the faith of all sections of the Federal Government to the principles of Washing
of the country was pledged. If he had been in the pres ton and Jefferson, and for the purpose of presenting candi
idential chair when the Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed, dates for the offices of President and Vice President,” &c.
he would have vetoed it. And, gentlemen, why do the
Republicans oppose hiin? Simply because he is an honest What difference is there between the two ? man. [Cheers.] The Know Nothing platform says it ought not to
“ Fillmore is censured because he signed the fugitive have been repealed, but says nothing about the
slave law; but he could not do otherwise, elected, as he restoration of it. The Black Republican says it
was, by the Whigs, whose principles are opposed to the
exercise of the veto power. He examined the law fully. ought not to have been repealed, and says nothing He may not have considered it the best law that could have about its restoration. This is the great and vital
been made; but it was his duty, as President and a Whig,
to consider whether it was constitutional or not. He re question which is agitating the country, and
ferred it to the Attorney General, John J. Crittenden, to threatening to snap asunder the bonds of the see if it was constitutional, and he declared that it was Union. I ask again, wherein do the Know Noth- || constitutional, and proved it in a very able and clear report. ings on this subject differ from the Black Repub- It was then referred to the Cabinet, and they unanimously licans? Can the Know Nothings, if they get
decided it to be constitutional. Now, I ask the Republican
party what Millard Fillmore could have done but sign the into power, any more refuse to restore it than bill-advised by his Cabinet to do so- its constitutionality the Black Republicans. Both say it ought not to having been proved? I say, it he had not signed it, he have been repealed.
would have deserved impeachment. [Loud cheers.) This
is the only objection the Republican party dare to bring forAt a ratification meeting of the friends of Fill- | ward against Filmore. The man who was born among us, more, just held in New York, at which several who is bone of our bone, and come from the very loins of southern gentlemen, members of this House, I free labor, shall we give him up for Frémoni? Shall we
make Frémont the standard bearer of freedom? (Voices. were present, and addressed the people, Mr.
· No, no,'« Black Republicans.' Then groans were given Ketchum, one of the most influential of the per for Frémont.)”
Constitution. The South had felt it as an odious pealed by the compromise of 1850, and the Kanbadge of her inferiority in the Union, and a stig-sas and Nebraska bill simply declared the fact ma upon her domestic institutions. Those at that it had been repealed, and excepted it out the North, the whole of whose political princi- of the clause of the bill extending the constitution ples consisted of a malignant warfare upon the and laws of the United States over the new TerBouthern section, had never regarded it in prac-ritories. · Congress could not have extended the tice, had repudiated and spit upon it from the day Missouri compromise over these Territories, conof its adoption, down to 1850, and had never sistently with the pledges all parties had given to valued it except as a stinging reproach to the abide by the compromise of 1850. The Kansas South, to be perpetuated in the statute-book, only and Nebraska bill may have asserted a falsehood for the gratification of sectional malignity. A when it declared the Missouri compromise inconlarge and patriotic party at the North, (the "Dem-sistent with the legislation of 1850. But it is not ocratic party,) though believing it to have been competent for the present Know Nothing leaders unconstitutional and unjust, yet, with the South, to say so, for they told us the same thing in 1850, labored for its enforcement whilst it was on the and in 1854 they advocated the bill which their statute-book, and with us voted for its extension present platform denounces. More than that; to our acquisitions from Mexico. They (the whilst the bill was pending in 1854, they taunted whole South and the Democratic party of the a certain portion of the Democratic party of the North) failed in their efforts, and it was repeatedly South, and took great credit to themselves for rejected and repudiated on direct votes in Con- having driven those impracticable Democrats, gress. Even the Nashville convention, which “secessionists,” they called them-to acknowlwas denounced as a treasonable conspiracy against edge that the compromise of 1850 did repeal the the Union, demanded nothing but the application Missouri compromise. If time permitted, I could of its principles to the new Territories.
present some specimens of oratory of this sort : Thus stood the Missouri compromise at the It is a singular fact, Mr. Chairman, that whilst commencement of the memorable session of Con- the Black Republicans who denounce the repeal gress of 1850. The friends of the Union and the of the Missouri compromise are persons who Constitution wished a settlement on the princi- had passed their whole lives in opposing, deriding, ples of that compromise; the enemies of the and spurning it, so almost all those who stand Constitution, and contemners of a constitutional upon this Know Nothing platform now, denouncunion of equal States, refused to accede to such a ing the Kansas and Nebraska bill, are persons settlement.
who advocated, and such of them as were in ConDuring the session of 1850, the compromise gress voted for, that bill when it was pending in measures were passed. Many in the South op- 1854, every southern member of the Senate but posed that settlement on the allegation that their two, and every southern member of this House section was called on to yield everything, and to but nine, having voted for it. It found no more receive no substantial concession. The whole able or zealous defender in either House than the South, as we all remember, was agitated on the distinguished Senator from my own State, [Mr. subject. The present leader of the Know Nothing Badger,) who distinctly declared that it was departy, standing now on a platform denouncing the manded by the compromise of 1850. repeal of the Missouri compromise, contended On the 26th of January, 1856, the honorable then that the compromise measures repealed the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. MEACHAM) subodious Missouri compromise, and that that was a mitted to this House the following resolution: substantial concession to our section. One of my “ Resolved, That, iu the opinion of this House, the repeal predecessors on this floor, having opposed the of the Missouri compromise of 1820, prohibiting slavery compromise of 1850, was denounced for it at north of latitude 36° 30', was an example of useless and home on that ground, by leading members of the factious agitation of the slavery question, unwise and un
just to the American people.” present Know Nothing party of the district.
At the next presidential election, in 1852, both This resolution was passed by a vote of 108 to the great parties of the country agreed to make '93, every Black Republican and every northern the compromise of 1850 “ a finality.” At that friend of Mr. Fillmore, except two, voting for it; election, General Pierce was chosen President, and every Democrat in the Honse, with every and came into office with a distinct pledge to re- southern friend of Mr. Fillmore, except one, gard the compromise of 1850 as oa finality,” and voting against it. It seems from this vote that to carry out its provisions. During his term, in the southern Know Nothings then thought the 1854, it became necessary to establish territorial repeal of the Missouri compromise neither “ungovernments in Kansas and Nebraska. In the wise, unjust,” nor“ injurious.” Yet, in less bill providing those governments, it was declared, than one month thereafter, the National Council in section thirty-two, as follows:
denounces the Democratic Administration for the
sas and Nebraska bill, and “That the Constitution, and all the laws of the United passage of the States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the these same southern Know Nothings are heard same force and effect within the said Territory of Kansas as singing hosannas to the platform. elsewhere within the Umted States, except the eighth sec The Kansas and Nebraska bill perpetrated no tion of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being incon wrong. If the repeal of the Missouri comprosistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress mise was a wrong, the wrong was perpetrated by with slavery in the states and Territories, as recognised the compromise of 1850, signed and approved by by the legislation of 1830, commonly called the compromise Mr. Fillmore, and constituting the main ground measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void."
on which his friends claim for him the confidence It was not the Kansas and Nebraska bill that and support of the South. It was no sectional repealed the Missouri compromise; it was re measure; it was a tribute to the Constitution, a
pledge of peace, an offering to the great principle issue might be presented betweenthose who were ihat the people are capable of self-government, || in favor of sustaining the compromise of 1850, on and entitled to manage their own affairs in such the one side, and those who wished to deny to manner as they deem best. But if it was a the South the most important boon granted to it wrong, it was a wrong in favor of the South, and by that compromise on the dther, that the bill that section, at least, cannot complain of the in-should be made strictly conformable to precedents jury.
in all its other details. Otherwise, the friends of It is further objected to the Kansas and Ne- the compromise of 1850 might be divided about braska bill, that it establishes over those Terri- || details having no bearing on the main issue. tories what is called “squatter sovereignty.” The bill for establishing a territorial governThat phrase, in connection with the politics of ment for Washington Territory had then but the country, originated from the admission of recently passed, and had become a law BY THE California into the Union. The people of that APPROVAL AND SIGNATURE OF MR. FILLMORE. It State, shortly after its acquisition from Mexico, was taken as the precedenton which to frame the in advance of the establishment of any govern measure. I place side by side, for comparison, ment by Congress, and without its authority or the sections of the two bills, in regard to the qualiconsent, assumed to organize a government for fications of voters: themselves, formed a constitution, and applied Kansas and Nebraska bill.
Washington bill. for admission into the Union. This unauthorized
“ That every free white “That every white male assumption of sovereign power by the squatters on male inhabitant above the inhabitant above the age of the public land was denominated squatter sover age of twenty-one years, who twenty-one years, who shall eignty. It is the only instance in our history in Shill be an actual resident of have been a resident of said
said Territory, and shall pos- Territory at the time of the which such a thing has been done or attempted. sess the qualifications here. passage of this act, and shall The “squatter sovereignty” was recognized, and inafter prescribed, shall be possess the qualifications the State thus formed was admitted into the entitled to vote at the first hereinafter prescribed, shall Union by an act of Congress signed and approved to any office within the said election,
and shall be eligible
election, and shall be eligible be entitled 10 vote at the first by Mr. Fillinore. In the case of Kansas and Ne- ll Territory; but the qualifica- to any office within the said braska, no such thing has been done or attempted, || tions of voters, and of hold. Territory ; but the qualificaand, as in most of the other counts of their in- ing office, at all subsequent tions of voters, and of holddictment, they charge against us what their can
elections, shall be such as ing office, at all subsequent
shall be prescribed by the elections, shall be such as didate has done.
Legislative Assembly: Pro- shall be prescribed by the But it is said the bill allows the people resident vided, That the right of suf- Legislative Assembly: Prothere to prohibit the introduction of slavery be- || frage and ot holding office viled, That the right of suffore their admission into the Union. It contains
shall be exercised only by frage and of holding office
citizens of the United States, shall be exercised only by no such feature. The thirty-second section de- and those who shall have de- citizens of the United States clares its intent to be “to leave the people thereof clared, on oath, their inten- above the age of twenty-one perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic tion to become such, and years, and ihose above that
shall have taken an oath to age who shall have declared institutions in their own way, subject only to the support the Constitution of on oath their intention to beConstitution of the United States." If the Con the United States and the come such, and shall have stitution allows them to prohibit slavery, then provisions of this act.”- taken an oath to support the the bill permits it: if the Constitution does not
Statutes at Large, vol. 10, Constitution of the United
States, and the provisions of allow them to prohibit slavery, then the bill does
this act."-Statutes at Large, not permit it. The power of the people during
vol. 10, P., 174. the existence of their territorial government is Comment is unnecessary. a judicial question to be settled by the courts, if a case should ever arise involving the question ; | eigners vote, for which there was some excuse,
But not content with letting unnaturalized forand whatever Congress might have said in the bill it could not have altered the Constitution, formally declared their intention to cast their lots
as they had voluntarily come to our country, and nor taken the question out of the hands of the courts. Whatever may be the decision of the bills for the admission of Utah and New Mexico,
among us, Mr. Fillmore approved and signed the courts, I will be content; for I regard the great both of which contained the following: main feature of the bill as infinitely transcending
“Sec. 5. Every free white male inhabitant above the in importance any of the minor questions that
age of twenty-one years, who shall have been a resident can be raised under it. And I would rather trust
ot' said Territory at the time of the passage of this act, shall the question to the people of the Territory than be entitled to vote at the first election, and shall be eligible to such a Congress as we now have, and are to any office within the said Territory.” * liable to have at any time in the future.
Provided, That the right of suffrage, and of holding office,
shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States, The next specification in the indictment is, that including those recognized as citizens by the treaty with the unnaturalized foreigners were allowed to vote at Republic of Mexico, concluded February 2, 1848."--Statthe first election in Kansas and Nebraska.
utes at Large, vol. 9, p. 454, Utah bill; vol. 9, p. 449, New
Merico bill. I do not approve such a provision, and would
Approved September 9, 1850. not vote for it, unless compelled to take it in order to get what I regarded a good provision of greater tion to permit them to vote, nor even allow them to
To show that we were under no treaty obligaimportance. I certainly would not have voted against the Kansas and Nebraska bill on account
become citizens, except when we thought proper, of it. When the Kansas and Nebraska bill was
I give the article of the treaty with Mexico reintroduced, it encountered the most violent oppo
lating to the subject: sition from the Free-Soilers and Abolitionists—the “Mexicans
shall be incorporated enemies of the compromise of 1850—because it into the Union of the United States, and be admitted at
the proper time, (to be judged of by the Congress of the proposed to carry out the provisions of that com
United States,) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens promise. It was important, in order that a fair | of the United States, according to the principles of the
9, p. 930.
Constitution."— Treaty with Mexico, Statutes at Large, vol. If foreignism and Catholicism are evils, they
are northern, not southern evils. We of the South If it is so shocking to permit foreigners to vote are not afflicted-if their presence is an affliction who have voluntarily come to our country, and with any considerable quantity of either. The filed their intention to make it the home of them. I great body of the Know Nothings north have selves and their children, what is to be thought refused to let their southern allies rid them of of Mr. Fillmore for permitting foreigners to vote their evils, unless they are permitted in turn to who had not come in voluntarily, but had been rid us of what they regard as our peculiar evilwhipped in, conquered by our arms, and forced slavery. Failing to get the consent of their southinto subjection to our laws ?
ern assoctates to any such reciprocity of kind It may be as well to remark, that the first Legis- offices, they have abandoned " the order," and lature of Kansas, in prescribing the qualifications joined with the Black Republicans in a war on of voters, excluded "all foreigners from voting the South. Let the southern Know Nothings who had not been naturalized. (Laws of Kansas, in like manner cease their war upon the “ pecu“ Elections,"section 11.) So that the ills so con liar institution” of the North, and uniting, for the fidently predicted have not flowed from permitting time being at least, with the Democratic party, them to vote at the first election.
aid us to achieve a victory over sectionalism and The next specification is on the “ corruptions fanaticism-aid us to maintain the Constitution which pervade some of the departments of the and the Union-aid us to strike down the treaGovernment.” Shades of Gardiner and Galphin ! sonable flag of Black Republicanism, with its Whither have you filed, that your deeds are so sixteen stars, and bear aloft that old flag of thirtysoon forgotten!! If any ing above all
one stars, whose increasing galaxy is emblematic others signalized the administration of Mr. Fill- of the increasing glories of the Republic. , Let more, and distinguished it from all its predeces- them conquer themselves, and all the old prejusors and successor, it was “ the corruptions dices of party, and aid us to achieve the salvation which pervaded some of the departments;” not of the Republic by the triumphant election of confined to subordinates and contractors, but Buchanan and BRECKINRIDGE. reaching to the very highest officers under him intrusted with the management of affairs. I wish I had the figures and the facts illustrating Galphin. Extract from the speech of Hon. Samuel A. Smith, of Ten
APPENDIX. ism and Gardinerism; but I have not, and must pass them by. If it had been known that Mr.
nessee, delivered in the House of Representatives, April 4, Fillmore would be the candidate, this count would certainly never have been placed in the indict “Now, who, I ask, were those who elected that gentleFor integrity, industry, and fidelity to
man, (Mr. BANKS ?] I have before me the names of seventythe public interests, I believe this Administration gentleman from Massachusetts for Speaker. On tlie final
five members, elected as Know Nothings, who voted for the may safely challenge a comparison with any of ballot it will thus be seen that, of those elected to this its predecessors, and I shall remain of that opin- | House by the Know Nothings, or Americans, seventy-five ion until something more than a vague and unsup
voted for the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. BANKS)
for Speaker; and that gentlemen may examine the classifiported charge can be shown against it.
cation I have made and correct any error that may be in it. Mr. Chairman, on a full examination, I find I give the names as follows: little in this platform to approve, and nothing that “Know Nothings, or Americans, voting for Banks on the
final ballot: the warmest Know Nothing—the most ardent
“Messrs. Albright, Allison, Ball, Barbour, Bennett of crusader against foreigners and the Pope-must New York, Bingham, Bishop, Bradshaw, Buffinton, Burlin. not admit to be of less importance than the defeat game, Campbell of Pennsylvania, Campbell of Ohio, Chat: of the Black Republican candidate. I appeal to fee, Clark of Connecticut, Clawson, Colfax, Comins, Cono' section of the country, but to the friends of the vode, Cragin, Cumback, Damrell, Davis of Massachusetts,
Dean, De Witt, Dick, Dodd, Durfee, Edie, Flagler, GalloConstitution and the Union everywhere, to lay way, Grow, Hall, Harlan, Holloway, Howard, King, Knapp, aside-or at least to postpone for a time-bicker- Knight, Knowlton, Knox, Kunkel, Leiter, Mace, Matteson, ings on minor questions, and come up to the great Mečarty, Miller of New York, Morrill, Norton, Pearce, work of maintaining the Constitution and the Pelton, Pennington, Perry, Pike, Purviance, Ritchie, Rob?
bins, Roberts, Robison, Sage, Sapp, Sherman, Stanton, Union of our fathers. Bad men are assailing | Stranahan, Tappan, Thorington, Thurston, Todd, Tratton, them; laborious men are sapping their founda- | Tyson, Walbridge, Waldron, Watson, Welch, Wood, and tions; and able men are striving to destroy the fraternal feeling, without which the Union would Banks, who, it is well known, was the champion of the
" To the first list must be added the name of Mr. Speaker be a curse. Can we not unite to drive out the Order in this House during the Thirty-Third Congress. The vermin that are tearing out the cement which Speaker of this House, at his election, received the votes binds together the massive blocks of the edifice? of seventy-five members who were elected by the Know
Nothings, and twenty-eight who were elected by the AboliIf we cannot, then are we unworthy the legacy | tionists, or Republicans, and did not receive the vote of a our fathers gave us.
single member of the Democratic party.”