Emancipation Proclamation of Lincoln, the instrument of a corrupt and tyrannical administration."

McClellan was almost unanimously nominated. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, was selected as candidate for Vice-president. While the convention was resolving that the war was a failure, the troops under General Sherman were making the movement which compelled the Confederates to evacuate Atlanta, and the flag of the Confederacy, which had waved above Fort Morgan in Mobile Bay, was giving place to the Stars and Stripes. No cheers rent the air when the delegates heard the The convention adjourned, not sine die, but to meet again, if need be, to act in relation to whatever might happen.

news.

The events of the hour were dissipating the gloom which a few days before had settled over the country. The flashing of Sherman's guns at Atlanta and Farragut's in Mobile Bay, like lightning on a sultry evening in midsummer, cleared the atmosphere. The invincible host entering the Confederate stronghold in Georgia was the promise of final victory. At Petersburg, upon the receipt of the news, the cannon of the Army of the Potomac hurled a salute of shot and shell into the Confederate trenches. President Lincoln issued a proclamation to the country. "The signal successes," he said, "that divine Providence has vouchsafed call for a devout acknowledgment to the supreme Being in whose hands are the destinies of nations." He recommended the following Sunday as a day of thanksgiving to God. In behalf of the people he tendered the thanks of the nation to Farragut and Sherman, and all the officers, soldiers, and sailors who had achieved the victories. He directed that national salutes should be fired from all arsenals and navy-yards. So it came about that at the hour of noon the Peace Democrats of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, who were saying the war had failed, were compelled to hear in the thunder of the salutes the reply of loyal people to the Chicago declaration.

The first important speech of the campaign on the Republican side was made by Secretary Seward to the citizens of Auburn, N. Y. Sept. 3, Who can vouch," he asked, "for the safety of the country against the rebels during the interval which must elapse before the new Administration can constitutionally come into power?"

1864.

He was talking of the possibility of McClellan's election. It was a simple and natural inquiry, but the Peace Democrats distorted the utterance into a threat. They said Mr. Seward represented the President, and it was the intention of Mr. Lincoln to hold on to the office.

"It is a threat," said Governor Parker, of New Jersey, "that in case

Mr. Lincoln should be defeated at the polls, he would resort to the means usually adopted by despots, and endeavor to perpetuate his reign by force of bayonets."

"The usurper," said Judge Comstock, of New York, "now has his heel upon the free suffrage of the people; yet if the people be defrauded by military intervention at the polls, the people must and will take George B. McClellan in their arms and carry him to the Presidency."

Little did the Democrats know what was in the heart of Abraham Lincoln, or what was in the sealed envelope witnessed by the members of the Cabinet-his last will and testament, as it were, bequeathing unimpaired to McClellan, if elected, the country-the government of the people.

The newspapers of the South hailed with exultation the action of the Democratic Party.

"A new party," said the Richmond "Examiner," "will succeed to power, which will sheathe the sword and hold out the olive-branch. . . . The Democratic Party would have been forever obliged to General Hood if he had managed to hold Atlanta another fortnight.”

The political campaign began with vigor and intense feeling. Mr. Lincoln took no part in it. He thought he had no right to make speeches favoring his re-election. A regiment from Ohio, which had served three years, was returning home. The veterans wanted to see the man whom they loved and honored. They marched into the grounds of the White House. The President came to the window and welcomed them. They beheld a kindly, care-worn face.

"I wish," he said, "that the country understood the meaning of this struggle. We have a free government, under which every man has a right to be the equal of every other man.... In this struggle is involved the question whether your children and my children shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed. . . . When you return to your homes rise to the heights of a generation of men worthy of a free government, and we will carry out the great work we have commenced."

The Assistant Secretary of War, Charles A. Dana, accompanied by Rev. Joseph P. Thompson, a distinguished clergyman of New York, called upon the President. "I congratulate you, Mr. President," Sept. 6. said Mr. Thompson, "on the capture of Atlanta. I thank you for issuing a proclamation for the observance of next Sunday as a day for devout thanksgiving to God for the victory."

"I would be glad," the President replied, "if I could issue such a proclamation every week."

"The victory at Atlanta," continued Mr. Thompson, "has wiped out half the Chicago platform, and if Grant will wipe out the other half we shall re-elect you by acclamation."

"I think," said Mr. Dana, "the Union revival of feeling in the country is quite as much due to the platform as to the victory."

"I guess," said Mr. Lincoln, "it is due to the victory. At any rate, it will bear repetition."

"The platform," Mr. Thompson remarked, "has not yet been accepted by McClellan. He seems to be as slow as he was in taking Richmond."

"Perhaps he is intrenching," said the President, laughingly.

"It is rumored," Mr. Thompson added, "that he will decline the nomination on that platform."

"Well," Mr. Lincoln replied, "he does not seem to know whether he will accept or decline. And he never will. Somebody must do it for him. Of all the men I have had to do with in my life, indecision is

most strongly marked in McClellan, if that can be said to be strong which

is the essence of weakness."

There was no trace of personal rivalry or animosity in the tone. was the utterance of deliberate judgment.

It

"Have you heard, Mr. President," said Dana, "of the death of John Morgan?"

"Is he dead? I would not desire the death of any man, but I assure you that I take his death resignedly, as a dispensation of divine Providence. Morgan was a nigger-driver before the war.

You Northern men don't know anything about such mean, low creatures. Southern slave-holders despise them. But such a wretch has been used to carry on the Rebellion."

The President uttered the words with an emphasis which manifested his abhorrence of that phase of the institution of slavery.

Mr. Thompson alluded to his renomination.

66

The churches, Mr. President, throughout the North desire your re-election."

"It gratifies me to be assured of it. I rely much upon them. I would like to be re-elected, that I may carry out the policy of the Administration."

"Several prominent ministers," said Mr. Thompson, "are exerting their influence in your behalf. Among them is Rev. Leonard Bacon, of New Haven, who is earnestly advocating your re-election."

"Bacon! Let me see. What do I know of him? Didn't he once write a book on slavery, which some of the abolitionists did not agree with ?"

"Yes."

“Well, I read that book some years ago, and at first did not know exactly what to make of it, but I afterwards read it more carefully, and got hold of Dr. Bacon's distinctions, and it had much to do with shaping my own way of thinking on the subject of slavery. He is quite a

man."

"There is a distinction," said Mr. Thompson, "between what might be termed domiciliary subjection of captives taken in war, and the bondservice of paupers, as allowed under the Mosaic economy, and chattel slavery in our own country."

"Yes," replied the President, "there is a distinction. However, I have somehow thought that Moses didn't quite understand the Lord along there."

With a warm grasp of the hand he bade Mr. Thompson good-bye.

"No description," writes the latter, "can be given of the brilliancy of his repartee, the readiness of his wit, or the affability of his manner." "(°)

The month of September marks the beginning of the closing period of the war. General Early with his army was at Winchester, in the Shenandoah. He intended to prevent the opening of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. He desired to hold the valley till the harvests were gathered. His presence so near Maryland was a constant menace to that State. The Union troops at Harper's Ferry consisted of the Sixth, Eighth, and Nineteenth Corps, and a large force of cavalry. General Sheridan was in command. General Grant, at Petersburg, extended his lines and took possession of the Weldon Railroad. "I think," he said to Sheridan," that Lee will order all troops back from the valley except what he believes will be sufficient to detain you. Watch closely, and if you find the thing correct, push with all vigor. Give the enemy no rest, and, if possible, follow to the Virginia Central Railroad. Do all the damage to railroad and crops you can, carry off stock of all descriptions and negroes, so as to prevent further planting. If the war is to go on another year, we want the Shenandoah Valley to remain a barren waste."

General Lee did what Grant supposed he would. He ordered Early to send Anderson's division of troops to Richmond. Sheridan, finding they had started, advanced a portion of his force to Berryville. Early, thinking he was to be attacked, caused Anderson to return. In the West, General Sherman was resting his army in Atlanta. Such the position of troops the first week in September.

General Grant was studying the situation. He saw it would not do for Sheridan to risk a battle with a prospect of being defeated. Such a result would encourage the Confederates to continue the struggle, but a decisive victory would have a powerful influence upon the political. campaign in favor of the re-election of Mr. Lincoln. If Sheridan were defeated, the Confederates and their allies in the Democratic Party would push the advantage to the utmost. He did not send his instructions by telegraph or letter, but visited Harper's Ferry. "I knew," he said, "it was impossible for me to get orders through Washington to Sheridan to make a move, because they would be stopped there, and such orders as Halleck's caution would suggest (and that of the Secretary of War) would be given instead, and would no doubt be contradictory to mine. I therefore, without stopping at Washington, went directly through to Charlestown, some ten miles from Harper's Ferry, and waited there to see General Sheridan, having sent a courier in advance to inform him where to meet me."