introduction of Christianity into Spain, but that the Goths may possibly have added, and S. Leander certainly did introduce, some approximations to the Oriental rite. From the re-establishment of the Catholic faith our way becomes comparatively clear.

In the first place, it appears that when Gallicia returned to the fold of the Church, the National Office was so deeply cor-. rupted both by Priscillianism and by Arianism, that the Roman Liturgy was adopted in its stead. It was agreed,' says the fourth Canon of Braga, that masses should be celebrated by all according to the same rite which Profuturus, formerly Bishop of this Metropolitical Church, received in writing from the authority itself of the Apostolic see:' that is, from Pope Vigilius, in his letter of March 1, 538. Thus the Spanish rite was in that province thenceforth at an end.'

The Council of Toledo, however, in 589, pursued a different course. The national rite was here examined and made uniform. S. Leander of Seville, the life and soul of that Synod, and the intimate friend of S. Gregory the Great, seems to have reformed and digested it: and he, no doubt, who had been on a mission to Constantinople, introduced some of the Orientalisms which are still to be found in the office. From him it passed on to S. Isidore of Seville, who so much improved, and so largely developed it, as to be called by some its author. John of Saragossa, S. Conantius of Palencia, S. Eugenius, and S. Ildefonso, all added to the Spanish offices;-the latter especially composed a large number of those that now stand in the Ximenian books; --and thus the rite came down to the Mahometan invasion. It then assumes the name of the Mozarabic office; a title which has strangely puzzled scholars, and given rise to the most absurd derivations: without adverting to such explanations as have been by some seriously adduced, that it was a rite suited for the common worship of Christians and Mahometans. Some will have it to be properly the Mixto-arabic or Mixtarabic rite; that is, the rite of those Christians who lived mixed among the Arabs. Others have invented a word 'Musa,' which, according to them, means a Christian. But this derivation rests on about the same authority which good old Durandus gives for the word blasphemy: from blas, a woman, and pheme, to talk: because women generally talk folly. Others will have Musa, one of

1 Leslie, in the fourteenth section of his dissertation De Liturgia Gallicana, endeavours to explain away the Canon of Braga; but, as it seems to us, very unsuccessfully.

2 P. Florez, in discussing the origin of the word, makes an admission which certainly one would not have expected from the first ecclesiastical writer of Spain. Yo no entiendo el Arabigo, pero hallo en el vocabulista que Christo entre los Arabes se nombre Macih: y si esto no basta para el assunto, me remito a los intelligentes de este idioma.' This is as bad as for a writer on the Anglo-Saxon Church to be ignorant of Anglo-Saxon.

the original conquerors of Spain, to have been a principal friend to the Christians, who, out of gratitude to him, prefixed his name to their Sacramentary. A thing utterly contrary to common sense besides that they would surely have compounded, in that case, the word Muso-Christians, not Muso-Arabs. The real derivation is simple enough: Arab Arabe signifying an Arab by descent (like a Hebrew of the Hebrews), Arab Mostarabe, an Arab by adoption, and the latter term gradually having been softened into Mozarabe,' and applied to the Liturgy.

We may well conceive with what corruptions the office must have become vitiated, from the mere course of centuries passed in an infidel population. But another circumstance occurred which not only brought it into suspicion, but actually infected many of its copies with heresy. Elipandus, Archbishop of Toledo, introduced, in the year 783, his new teaching concerning the Filiation of the Son of God. His dogma, that our Lord, in so far as Man, was not the Son of God by nature, but by adoption, was clearly diluted Nestorianism; and as such met with the most determined opposition from Alcuin, and the orthodox prelates of France, and was finally condemned in the great Council of Frankfort. Elipandus, in order to support his teaching, had either falsified various passages in the Mozarabic Office, or had found them corrupted to his hand by the negligence of transcribers; and thus he produced such expressions as these: Qui per adoptivi hominis Passionem dum suo non pepercit corpori; and again, Hodie Salvator noster, post adoptionem carnis, sedem repetiit Deitatis. The Fathers of Frankfort, without inquiring whether the quotations were genuine or not, reply:It is better to believe the testimony of God the Father con'cerning His Son, than that of your Ildefonso, who com'posed such prayers for you in the Office of Mass, as the holy and universal Church of God never heard ;'-and they even attribute the yoke of the Mussulmans to the impiety of such a ritual. But Alcuin saw more clearly, and boldly reproached Elipandus with having changed assumpti and assumptionem into adoptivi and adoptionem. Still, it is easier to give a bad name than to remove it. The heresy of Elipandus fell; but an opinion got afloat that there was something not altogether right about the office which he had quoted in its support. It was formally approved, however, by John X. about A.D. 920, and seemed then to bid fair to remain the national use of Spain. But Rome, with that intolerance of other rites which has so incalculably injured ecclesiastical antiquity, had her eye fixed on

1 Hercolano very well observes (tom. i. p. 54): A denominação mosurabes prevaleceu mas é notavel que ainda no foral de Toledo, dado por Affonso VI., no principio do seculo xii., sejam chamados mostarabes.'

:

the Spanish Liturgy. The troublous pontificate of Alexander II. did not hinder his determining to effect its abolition. Cardinal Hugo Candidus was charged as Legate with this affair :but the Spanish Bishops pressed him so convincingly with the names of S. Leander, S. Isidore, and S. Ildefonso, and with the formal approbation of Pope John X., that he returned to Rome without accomplishing his object. The Bishops of Calahorra, Oca, and Alava, were despatched to Italy to defend the national rite; and they found the Pope engaged in the Council of Mantua. The Breviary, Missal, and Ritual were exposed to a rigorous examination of nineteen days, and were not only declared exempt from all suspicion of heresy, but pronounced worthy of the highest praise.

The continual efforts of Rome, however, were at last successful. In Aragon, the Roman office was first introduced in the monastery of S. Juan de la Peña, on March 22, 1071, being the Tuesday of the second week in Lent. Its introduction into the kingdom of Castille is more curious. Affonso VI., after various negotiations with Pope S. Gregory VII. and S. Hugh, Abbat of Cluny, both of whom threw a great deal of mistaken zeal into the matter, determined on denationalising the Church of Toledo. In some parts of his kingdom he experienced little resistance; in others the dissatisfaction was extreme. The fate of the two offices was committed, as a truly Spanish ratio ultima, to the trial of arms. Juan Ruiz, a native of Matanza de Rio Pisuerga, was champion of the Mozarabic office: the name of the knight who supported the Roman is not recorded. Whoever he were, he had the worse cause and the weaker arm, and paid for his rashness with his life. The King was unconvinced, and resorted to another trial. A fire was kindled, and the two missals were thrown together into the flames. That of Rome was consumed; that of Toledo leaped forth unhurt. Affonso then interposed his simple authority; and commanded the abolition of the Spanish rite. This was done: but not without great difficulty ;-and the proverb was made on the occasion

in Spanish

or, in English

Quo volunt Reges

Vadunt leges;

Donde quieren Reyes,
Alio van leyes;

Laws must

Where Kings lust.

When Toledo, however, was reconquered by Affonso, the Christians rose as one man against the abolition of their rite in this its mother city. The matter was finally compromised by a

royal decree, that, while the Roman use should be introduced in the new churches, the national rite should remain in those of ancient foundation; and it thus continued in the churches of S. Mary, S. Mark, S. Eulalia, S. Torquatus, SS. Justa and Ruffina, S. Luke, and S. Sebastian.' To these churches various privileges were given from time to time by different Spanish sovereigns; especially by Affonso the Wise, by Peter the Cruel, and by Ferdinand and Isabella. Notwithstanding these favours, the Roman use gradually insinuated itself even into the Mozarabic foundations; and, towards the end of the fifteenth century, the national rite was said only on high festivals, and even then in a corrupted form, and from uncritical MSS. An attempt was made to restore it in 1436, by Juan de Tordesillas, Bishop of Segovia. He, in that year, founded the College of S. Maria de Aniago, at the junction of the Pisuerga with the Duero, for thirteen clerks, who should be bound by Gothic' Rite; but it lasted only five years, and then became a Carthusian foundation.

It remained for the great Cardinal Ximenes to renew this venerable office. His was a career which shows the corruption of the times, in nearly as strong characters as it proves the excellence of the man. Thrown into prison for the firmness with which he maintained his pretensions to an expectative obtained from the Pope, he finally triumphed over the Archbishop of Toledo, though both justice and worldly power were on the side of the latter; and then, not feeling himself safe in that diocese, changed his benefice for a cure at Siguença. Made Vicar-general, he was so oppressed by business that he sought refuge among the Franciscans. From the solitary convent, where he led a life of primitive austerity, he was drawn forth to be Confessor to Queen Isabella. To that office he was soon compelled to add the dignity of Provincial of his order, and commenced that reform which was no less hated than necessary. Elevated against his will to the Metropolitical See of Toledo, then the first station for ecclesiastical wealth and influence in Europe, he carried on his reformation; and the laxity which it superseded is shown by the fact, that more than a thousand religious passed into Africa, and there apostatized, rather than embrace it. The Archbishop's gentleness to the Moors, whose kingdom of Granada had just fallen, drew multitudes to the Church. His zeal, however, was not altogether

1 Mr. Ford, in his account of the Mozarabic Rite, is as incorrect as he usually is, when touching on matters of religion. The features,' says he, of this Ritual are its simplicity,'-it is about the most complicated use that exist, and absence of auricular confession (!) The prayers and collects are so beautiful, that many have been adopted into our Prayer-book.' It is scarcely necessary to say, that not one prayer, distinctively Mozarabic, has been so adopted.

according to knowledge, when he caused foldsful to be baptized at once by aspersion, and by one name.

He had hardly been consecrated to Toledo, when he determined on restoring the Mozarabic Office, then in the very last stage of decay. His first step was to print the office books. He entrusted the collation of MSS. to the Doctor Affonso Ortiz, a man of considerable learning, and to three Priests of Mozarabic churches. The Missal appeared in 1500, and the Breviary in 1502. We shall have occasion hereafter to notice how far the work, with all its excellences, falls short of representing the original and uncorrupted Mozarabic Rite. The Archbishop next erected the Mozarabic chapel, which still exists, at the west end of the cathedral of Toledo, and endowed it for the maintenance of thirteen chaplains; and he obtained the confirmation of this foundation in two Bulls of Julius II. The office, as seen in the struggling light of a grey morning, -the black silent figures kneeling on the floor,—the five unequal arches that divide the chapel from the cathedral—the tapers here and there showing like the virtues of a good man in a naughty world, all has a most striking effect. The chapel itself is in plain Italian taste, and has nothing remarkable, but a Mosaic Madonna, after Guido, over the altar. The example of Ximenes was followed by the foundation (1517) of a similar chapel in the cathedral of Salamanca, where fifty-five Mozarabic masses were said in the year: and of another (1567) attached to the parish church of S. Mary Magdalene, at Valladolid, for two masses every month. When Florez wrote, (that volume was published in 1748,) all these foundations were flourishing; and in the Mozarabic churches of Toledo, the office of the Titular Saints was said according to the national use; while in that of S. Justa, the Feast of the Samaritan Woman was observed according to that ritual, on the first Sunday in Lent, and a sermon preached on the subject.

The present state of the Mozarabic Rite is this. It continued, theoretically at least, both in the Ximenian chapel, and in the seven churches of Toledo (with the exception of that of S. Mary, which disappeared, we know not how, some centuries ago), till 1842. In that year the government suppressed a large number of parishes throughout the country. Four of the remaining Mozarabic churches of Toledo shared the same fate, and their parishioners, eight or nine hundred in number, were aggregated to the two remaining ones, S. Justa and S. Mark. The Clergy of the Mozarabic parishes have formed, since the time of Ximenes, one body with the chaplains of his foundation. The latter are by the Concordat reduced from thirteen to nine: by the same document the continuance of the two Mozarabic parishes, as such, is guaranteed, and the parochial mass in the