seamen, will make twice as many voyages, always with twice as good a chance of success and profit, in a given time, as one that is fitted out in Sweden, Holland, or even Great Britain. This being the case, it is obvious, that all the parties interested in one of these ships or voyages can afford to allow the shipwrights, shipmasters and seamen, twice as much in proportion to the time employed, without raising in the least the market price of their own products, or deducting any thing from their profits. On the other hand, if a low rate of wages had any effect in reducing prices, it would be clearly impossible for Great Britain or the United States to enter into competition with the Hindoos in the manufacture of cotton cloth; and yet we find the latter not only excluded from our markets, but actually driven out of their own by the superior intellectual and moral qualities of the inhabitants of the western world. These considerations, which, however simple and obvious, have not, as far as we are aware, been adverted to before, will be found, we trust, to furnish a satisfactory answer to the objection mentioned above.

The results of our experience, as far as we have carried it, concur with those of all just reasoning on the subject, in demonstrating the great advantages of the protecting policy. Since its adoption, our navigation-as we have seen abovehas increased more than fifty per cent.; and as this increase has chiefly taken place in the coasting trade, it must be traced directly to this cause. The results of the enumeration now in progress, and the flourishing towns and villages, that have grown up under the influence of manufacturing establishments, sufficiently evince the advantages derived from them by the inland population of the Eastern and Middle States. In these beautiful and admirable creations, the poetical fables of Orpheus and Amphion, moving rocks and building cities by the influence of their charming music, have been more than realised. We envy not the moral constitution of the man who can view without emotion these abodes of art, industry, and happiness, springing up, as if by enchantment, from the bosom of the earth, at Lowell, Springfield, Dover, Patterson, Pittsburg, and various other parts of our vast territory-still less of him, who like the sentimental laureate of England, can see nothing cheerful in a manufacturing village, because the buildings composing it, have not the hoary moss-grown appearance of an old stone cottage-as if the freshness and brilliancy of

youth were not as pleasant things to contemplate as the symptoms-however graceful and interesting of decay and ruin. The satisfaction afforded by the view of these rising settlements, is wholly unmingled with alloy. There is no element of evil about them, to divert the mind from the agreeable contemplations, which they naturally excite. They augment the wealth of the community, by augmenting at the same time the wealth, knowledge, virtue and happiness of its members. They restrain emigration, and preserve unbroken the family circles-cherish and invigorate the natural affections-furnish increased opportunities for the acquisition of knowledge, and for social enjoyment-in one word, impart a new richness and beauty to the moral, as well as to the economical aspect of the country. The unambitious citizen, who by his enterprise, intelligence, and indefatigable perseverance, gave the first effectual impulse to this branch of industry, and who has given his name to the largest manufacturing town in this State, will be numbered hereafter with the great public benefactors of the nation; when many individuals, who filled at the time when he lived a much larger space in the view of the world, will be lost in oblivion.

Such are the advantages resulting respectively to the Northern, Middle, and Western sections of the country, from the adoption of the protecting policy. In the Southern States, which will not probably for the present become the seats of manufactures, the benefit is realised in a different way, in the increased demand for the great agricultural staples, which constitute their principal produce. The extent and importance of this demand have already been noticed. The price of cotton has no doubt fallen within a few years, partly because it was a great deal too high before, and partly from the effect of a temporary fluctuation in the state of the market; but the profits on capital invested in the cultivation of it are still, as is justly remarked by Mr. Clay in a late eloquent and able address at Cincinnati, higher than they are in most other employments, and consequently at least as high as they could reasonably be expected to be, in the ordinary course of trade.

The comparative decline of some of the planting States—as far as it is real has been owing as we remarked above-to the superior attractions of other climates. This difficulty is to a certain extent irremediable, but the remedy for it, as far as any can be found applicable to the case, would be furnished

by the introduction of new employments, to the successful prosecution of which the qualities of soil and climate are of less importance; and such is the nature of almost all manufactures. This remedy has accordingly been resorted to, and with such success, as-by the admission of Mr. Mc Duffie himself-to have changed entirely the feeling of large districts upon this whole subject.

It is time, however, to bring this long, and to our readers, we fear, fatiguing article, to a close. Convinced as we are of the importance to the welfare of the nation, of a steady perseverance in the protecting policy, we should regret to see it connected in any way with passing controversies on subjects of a temporary character; and we venture to hope, that in the midst of the fluctuations of parties, and the changes in the persons of the public functionaries, the Government will never lose sight of this great and vital concern; but will, on the contrary, seek to promote it by every expedient measure within their power. The improvement of the means of communication between the different parts of the country, by roads, canals and rivers, is one of the most important subsidiary parts of this great system, and this too will, we hope, receive the attention of all branches of the Government in their respective spheres of lawful action. We regretted to find the President refusing on a late occasion to sanction an appropriation for an important purpose of this description, and may perhaps be tempted, in a future article, to make some remarks upon the spirit and substance of the message conveying this refusal. In the mean time, however, we may express the satisfaction we feel, at seeing that the President, while he declined, for reasons which we cannot but deem insufficient, to exercise in this instance the power of taking part in measures intended for the internal improvement of the country, concurred in the opinion that this power belongs to the General Government, and declared anew his intention of giving a temperate, but steady support to the protecting policy. Attempts will doubtless be made in Congress and elsewhere, for some time to come, to undermine, in this respect, the established system of the country, and procure its change; but we have reason to hope, and if the friends of the system are as active and persevering as its enemies, to believe, that these attempts will be, as they have hitherto been, ineffectual. The efforts making in South Carolina to frighten the Government into the adoption of other measures, by threats of nullification and forcible resistance to the law, are not, in our

opinion, the most dangerous attacks to which this system is exposed. The effect of these absurd pretensions, and empty menaces, is to excite disgust rather than alarm, and by a natural reaction, to defeat the purposes of their authors. A much inore plausible and politic mode of attack upon the tariff, is the one which was pursued with partial success at the last session of Congress, and will doubtless be followed up at future ones, founded in the old Machiavelian principle, divide and conquer. By addressing successively their sectional interests, it is hoped, that portions of the friends of the protecting policy may be induced to combine with its enemies for the repeal of particular articles of the law, until the whole shall be finally destroyed in detail. The nature of this plan of attack and the motives which have led to its adoption, are very fairly avowed in the speeches and writings of those who propose to act upon it, so that there can be no pretence of mistake on the subject. If the friends of the American System have not the firmness to resist the allurements of the bait thus held out to them, they will at least have the satisfaction of going into the trap with their eyes open, and a full knowledge of the consequences. We take for granted, however, that the majority of an American Congress will not be very readily duped by so simple a stratagem-that they will see and feel that their only safety is in union, and will rally with unbroken unanimity, without regard to any temptation of apparent personal or sectional advantage, round the standard of the principles and interests common to them all. Should this be the case, we can venture to

assure them beforehand of a decided victory.

A. H. Evintt

C. 7 Adams,

ART. VII.-The History of the Rise and Progress of the United States of North America till the British Revolution in 1688. By JAMES GRAHAME, Esq. In two Volumes. London. 1827.

We

In this country, and more particularly in this section of it, we are fond of celebrating the virtues of our forefathers. delight to honor their memory by festive anniversaries and eloquent panegyric. Yet it is much to be feared, that this is not the right way to come at that real history, and those cool and rational conclusions, which can alone be supposed likely to confer permanent benefit. Orators are necessarily obliged to

excite their hearers. Mere reasoning will not suffice. They must mingle spices in their dish. Yet when a people become accustomed to such rich substances, there is danger that they may reject more natural food. The taste must be totally unvitiated, to relish much of the graver historical sketches of our early times; for it may candidly be admitted, now that the case is altered, that heretofore dulness has shed her sleepy influence upon pages calculated to convey a lesson of real utility to our country and mankind.

The public, as a body, feels and talks, long before it takes the trouble to think. A process of reasoning, let it be ever so good, is an intellectual effort which few will be at the pains of appreciating, when the same result can be sooner arrived at through the medium of the passions. If this were not true, we should be puzzled to account for the fact, that, with all the apparent enthusiasm upon the subject, a book like Mr. Grahame's should have been published three years, and its merits still remain to be understood in America. The only attempt within our knowledge in a member of the old country to examine thoroughly and consider candidly the phenomena of our early history, has been neglected in a manner which might fairly authorize the inference, that, with all our noise, we really care little about the merits of the matter. Not that we admit the soundness of such an inference. The causes of this state of things must be found elsewhere.

The work at the head of these remarks has (so far as we are informed) met with little notice in the parent country; and this is probably one of the reasons why it has been overlooked here. It is yet too much the case with our reading world, that we are apt to form our opinions of the merit of books from the notice they receive in the leading English periodical publications. A newspaper advertisement always contains extracts from the reviews, inserted by re-publishers of works here, as a kind of certificate of value, to help the sales. Independence in matters of literature seems little aimed at or encouraged; and, however different the views of things should be when seen through an American medium, they are, in fact, generally in accordance with the positive assertions, roundly and familiarly dealt to us from across the water. Few subjects of a political or historical nature exist, upon which our system of government and civil institutions would not naturally lead us into a train of sentiment somewhat different from that en