against the potent assaults made upon them by the administration of the government, for a protracted period, in the demolition of the currency system, in the suppression of the land bill, in the removal of the deposites, in such unscrupulous violations of the compromise law, and in various other like modes of action in the federal authorities. A man, in the position of Mr. Clay, all this while, might risk, as he often did-might even sacrifice himself, as he was always ready to do—but he could not save the country. The overwhelming waters had burst all barriers, and must spread themselves out, to be absorbed in the earth, in the sea, and in the air.

But the principle of protection was rescued by the compromise, to be reincorporated, as it finally was, in the tariff act of 1842. It is no less true, that a degree of protection, adequate for the most important interests of the country, was secured by the compromise act, if it had been faithfully carried out, and if hostile measures, such as those mentioned above, and others, had not been introduced, to circumvent its beneficent purposes-beneficent to the full extent that was practicable in existing circumstances. He who prevents an overwhelming flood of evil, of calamity, impending the community, is no less a public benefactor, than he who secures the same amount of positive good-he does, in fact, by that very act, secure positive good, that was threatened with annihilation.

For those who contended, that protection was abandoned by the compromise bill, it was sufficient to reply, that they could not possibly maintain, that it was more than suspended. The power was in the constitution, as none could deny. The history of that instrument shows, that protection was the chief object of its adoption. If there were sufficient reasons for suspending the use of that power for a season, no reasonable man could say, like Mr. Secretary Taney, in the removal of the deposites, that, having the power, they were bound to "exercise" it. Every power of the constitution is conferred to be used, or not used, at discretion, and some of them have lain dormant to this day. But no one, for that reason, can truly say, they are not there, or that they may not be used when occasion requires.

But protection was not abandoned by the compromise, as the terms of the law demonstrate. The scale of diminishing duties was designed for protection, present and future-present, in that the duties were not to be reduced at once, without some time to prepare for it; and future, in that the reduction was to be gradual, and therefore easy, and therefore tolerable, and therefore it was

protection. As a compromise, which supposes mutual concession and sacrifice, all that might be desired by either party, could not be expected. The recognition of the principle of protection was stamped on every feature of the bill, and pervaded its structure. It was hoped it would afford sufficient protection—and there is reason to suppose that this hope would have been very satisfactorily realized, if the law had not been undermined and violated in the manner already noticed. Who can provide against vice of administration, when the executive power is absolute, and will not respect either law or principle?

*

Mr. Clay confessed, that the attitude taken by South Carolina, in her nullifying ordinance, had made him pause, and that he had "felt a disposition to hurl defiance back again, and to impress upon her the necessity of the performance of her duty as a member of the Union." But more recent intelligence had softened this feeling. The first of February had passed, and the execution of her ordinance had been postponed to the fourth of March, and he did not doubt that it would be indefinitely postponed. Her hostile array had already melted down into the declaration of a purpose to try an experiment in the courts of law, as Ohio and Virginia had done before, and both had failed. It was true, that South Carolina was most offensive in the mode she had chosen to adopt.

But Mr. Clay had another and very weighty reason for acting on this measure without delay: "I would repeat," he said, "that, under all the circumstances of the case, the condition of South Carolina is only one of the elements of a COMBINATION, the whole of which, together, constitutes a motive of action, which renders it expedient to resort, during the present session of Congress, to some measure in order to quiet and tranquilize the country." This "combination," for the utter subversion of the protective policy, has already been noticed.

In the conclusion of his speech on the introduction of the bill, Mr. Clay said:

"South Carolina must perceive the embarrassments of her situation. She must be desirous-it is unnatural to suppose that she is not to remain in the Union. What! a state whose heroes in its gallant ancestry fought so many glorious battles along with the other states of this Union-a state with which this confederacy is linked by bonds of such a powerful character! I have sometimes fancied what would be her condition if she goes out of this Union; if her five hundred thousand people should at once be thrown upon their own resources. She is out of the Union. What is the consequence? She is an independent power. What then does she do?

She must have armies and fleets, and an expensive government; have foreign missions; she must raise taxes; enact this very tariff, which has driven her out of the Union, in order to enable her to raise money, and to sustain the attitude of an independent power. If she should have no force, no navy to protect her, she would be exposed to piratical incursions. Their neighbor, St. Domingo, might pour down a horde of pirates on her borders, and desolate her plantations. She must have her embassies; therefore must she have a revenue. And, let me tell you, there is another consequence, an inevitable one: she has a certain description of persons recognised as property south of the Potomac, and west of the Mississippi, which would be no longer recognised as such, except within their own limits. This species of property would sink to one half of its present value, for it is Louisiana and the southwestern states which are her great market.

"If there be any who want civil war, who want to see the blood of any portion of our countrymen spilt, I am not one of them. I wish to see war of no kind; but, above all, I do not desire to see a civil war. When war begins, whether civil or foreign, no human sight is competent to foresee when, or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land, and armies are marching, and commanders are winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on our coast, tell me, if you can, tell me, if any human being can tell its duration? God alone knows where such a war would end. In what a state will our institutions be left? In what state our liberties? I want no war; above all, no war at home.

"Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the wrong; but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any other member of this Union. No: I do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dimmed, of that glorious confederacy which constitutes our political sun; still less do I wish to see it blotted out, and its light obliterated for ever. Has not the state of South Carolina been one of the members of this Union in 'days that tried men's souls?' Have not her ancestors fought alongside our ancestors? Have we not, conjointly, won together many a glorious battle? If we had to go into a civil war with such a state, how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union, what would be the condition of her feelings and affections? what the state of the heart of her people? She has been with us before, when her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, and as I hope our posterity will mingle with hers, for ages and centuries to come, in the united defence of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union. I do not wish to see her degraded or defaced as a member of this confederacy.

"In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each individual member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which I have had the honor of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me, and the same desire of restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment-but that would be asking too much of human nature—if we could suppress, for one moment, party feelings and party causes-and, as I stand here before my God, I declare I have looked beyond these considerations, and regarded only the vast interests of this united people—I should hope, that under such feelings, and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country." The following extract from a private letter of Mr. Clay to Judge Brooke, of February 14th, 1833, is applicable here:

"I had foreborne to communicate to you the plan of accommodation which I intended to submit, because, although I had long since settled in my mind the principle of the plan, I had not finally arranged the details. That work was only completed a few days ago. You will see in the papers, that I have presented it to the senate in the shape of a bill. I was fully aware of all the personal consequences, and personal risks, to which I exposed myself. The measure has been well received. Still, every contrivance will be resorted to by the Van Buren men, and by some of the administration party, to frustrate or defeat the project. That, you know, I anticipated. What will be the final issue of the plan, I can not certainly say. I hope for success."

That there should have been loss and gain in the compromise, resulted from the nature of the measure: it was a compromise. But the design and tendency of the act, by a faithful execution, was, that this loss and gain should be distributed among citizens of the same great republic. It was based on a principle that lies at the foundation of the government and institutions of the country, viz., mutual concession for general good-a principle, "which," as Mr. Clay said, on that occasion, "gave birth to the constitution itself, and which has continued to regulate us in our onward march, and conducted the nation to glory and renown. If the measure

should be carried by the common consent of both parties, we shall have all security; history will faithfully record the transaction; narrate under what circumstances the bill passed; that it was a pacifying measure; that it was as oil poured from the vessel of the Union, to restore peace and harmony to the country."

1

CHAPTER IX.

THE COMPROMISE TARIFF.

Mr. Clay's Reply to Objections.-The Perilous Position of the Protective Policy at the Moment.-Triumph of the Compromise.-Its Immediate Effect.-The Compromise Act not carried out by General Jackson.-Partially Defeated by Strangling the Land Bill.-Mr. Clay's later Statements on the Subject.-His Reply to Mr. Calhoun, in 1840.-The Grand Result.-Hon. John M. Clayton's Account of the Compromise Debate.-Mr. Dallas's Motion in the Senate, and Mr. Polk's Statement in Tennessee.-Letter from Mr. Clay to the Hon. John M. Clayton.

On the 25th of February, 1833, about two weeks after the introduction of the compromise tariff bill, Mr. Clay rose to reply to some objections it had encountered. Inasmuch as there were dif ferences of opinion among his political friends at the time, and inasmuch as it has to some extent been a subject of debate from that time to the present, it seems obviously proper to introduce here the substance of his reasoning after the objections had been stated:

"I have long, with pleasure and pride, co-operated in the public service with the senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Webster], and I have found him faithful, enlightened, and patriotic. I have not a particle of doubt as to the pure and elevated motives which actuate him. Under these circumstances, it gives me deep and lasting regret, to find myself compelled to differ from him as to a measure involving vital interests, and perhaps the safety of the Union. On the other hand, I derive great consolation from finding myself, on this occasion, in the midst of friends with whom I have long acted, in peace and in war, and especially with the honorable senator from Maine [Mr. Holmes], with whom I had the happiness to unite in a memorable instance. It was in this very chamber, that senator presiding in the committee of the senate, and I in committee of twenty-four of the house of representatives, on a sabbath-day, that the terms were adjusted, by which the compromise of the Missouri question was effected. Then the dark clouds that hung over our beloved country were dispersed; and now the thunders from others, not less threatening, and which have been longer accumulating, will, I hope, roll over us harmless and without injury.