fiance, and by his organs dared her to commence the struggle, warning her of the fate of the whites in Hayti, and asserting that it needed but a word from him to insure a general revolt of the slave population, a massacre of their masters, and the fall of the empire. But yet, there were several indications that Rosas was in reality alarmed, as he had good reason to be. The opposition of Urquiza particularly troubled him, as he had evidently been taken by surprise; for he had calculated on that man as his right arm in a struggle with Brazil. The English bond-holders exhibited symptoms of uneasiness and dissatisfaction; Buenos Ayres was in a state of general bankruptcy; his hopes that the Le Predour treaty with France would be accepted, began rapidly to vanish; and he entertained strong suspicions that the apathy which he saw around him, proceeded from general dissatisfaction. His perplexity and anxiety were indicated by the vacillating course which he adopted to meet the approaching danger, and which formed a contrast to his usual promptness and decision. In one respect only he was true to himself; he abated nothing of his former reckless cruelty. About forty persons were put to death on suspicion, eighteen of them at the door of his country residence, at Palermo de San Benito. In the city, every man dreaded that his neighbor was a spy or an assassin; and gloom pervaded the place.

Rosas had been in the habit, for many years, of going through the farce of resigning his dictatorial power, in order to give a show of legality to his position; but terrible would be the consequence to the man who would dare to propose any other person as his successor, or a return to the Confederation, whose friends were gen erally termed "Unitarian savages." The sycophancy with which Rosas was treated by the people over whom he ruled was one of the evidences of their degradation; and the extent to which it was carried was exhibited in an address transmitted to him from Calamarca, at the beginning of the war, after he had perpetrated the butcheries just mentioned. The following extract will be sufficient: "Only Gen. Rosas, and no one but Gen. Rosas, could wipe off the horrid crimes, the ruin, the opprobrium, and the confusion-hated offspring of the ferocious, alarming anarchy-that covered our beloved country with mourning, and involved it in bitter lamentation; his immense power and his invincible hand restored serenity to our horizon. He is the sun that gives light and existence to the Republic, the star that influences its present and its future destinies, the genius that guides her steps to the enchanting height of her aggrandisement and prosperity-he is our tutelar angel."

In the same paper in which this address was printed, were circumstantial accounts of the depressed condition of trade and

commerce, and the miserable condition of the country generally. The operations of the war, and the fall of Rosas, belong to the ensuing volume.

CHILI.

Whatever may have been the causes, Chili appears to have taken the lead of all the South American States in general prosperity and progress. The session of the Congress, which adjourned in January, 1851, made several provisions for new railroads and other internal improvements; and the affairs of the country at that time were prosperous. The crops of the preceding season had been abundant; and the mines were unusually productive. The receipts from the silver mines of Copiapo alone were estimated at $300,000 per month; the receipts of the customs exceeded those of previous years, and part of the State debt was paid off. At the same time trade and commerce were flourishing. In this state of affairs the public tranquillity was interrupted by a revolt, a thing by no means common in this State. It broke out at Sant Jago, the capital, on the 20th of April. A battalion of troops marched out of their barracks about three o'clock in the morning, hoping to be supported by the populace of the city; and they endeavored to take the barracks of the artillery by assault, in order to procure arms. This was gallantly defended; but, by setting it on fire, it was taken.

In the meantime the President attacked them, at the head of a strong force of national guards, regular troops, and volunteers; and after about two hours fighting, the insurrection was put down. Many were killed, and among others Col. Urriola, leader of the insurgents. Several proclamations were issued, calling upon all good citizens to support the laws. These were responded to by most of the inhabitants; and tranquillity was soon restored. Martial law was proclaimed in the provinces of Sant Jago and Valparaiso. This was the first serious outbreak in Chili for more than twenty years. It does not appear that the insurgents had any definite political aims.

SANDWICH ISLANDS.

The first public election ever held in these islands, took place on the 6th of January, when representives were chosen from the various districts to the legislature. Among the representatives elected were several adopted citizens from the United States.

Hon. Luther Severance, U. S. Commissioner, arrived at Honolulu, and was received by the king, on the 17th of January. In an address to his majesty, he assured him of the friendly feelings

entertained towards him by the U. S. Government, and their determination to adhere rigidly to the treaty recently made, but expressing their willingness to enter into any new arrangements that might be mutually advantageous and satisfactory. The king, in reply, expressed his gratification at the interest taken by the government and people of the United States, in the civilization and prosperity of his kingdom. His past experience, he said, authorized him to expect nothing but good from the United States, and to count them, under all circumstances, among his best friends. He added that he should depend on the support of that and other friendly governments, in sustaining the independence of his country. He had endeavored, he said, to conform his policy and laws to the wants of the age, and to encourage industry by all the means in his power.

A misunderstanding arose between the Hawaian government and the French, regarding the construction of some articles of the treaty of 1846, which at one time threatened serious consequences. The French demanded that the French and American missionaries should be placed on a par in the distribution of the government school funds. It was also demanded that the duty on French liquors should be reduced to 5 per cent., that France, as well as the United States and Britain, should be represented in the ministry, and that the correspondence between the two governments should henceforth be carried on in French, and not in English, as formerly. These demands were for some time persisted in by the French, and as resolutely resisted by the government, which was prepared to throw itself upon the protection of the United States, in case of an attack on the part of the French vessel of war then in the port of Honolulu; and as we are informed, the Americans on the Islands were prepared to defend it, if attacked.

These troubles were quieted for a time, at least, by a temporary treaty concluded between R. C. Wyllie, Minister of Foreign Affairs on the part of the Islands, and M. Perrin, on the part of France. The king agreed to refer to the next session of the legislature the question of the equality of Protestant and Catholic missionaries, and also to inquire whether, as a measure of political economy, French spirits should not be admitted at $2 50 per gallon, instead of the former duty of $5. Documents from French subjects were to be received in the French language, and the treaty was adopted in French and Hawaian. A proclamation to this effect was published in the "Polynesian," the government paper. The king referred his claim for damages for the destruction of his fort, the seizure of his yacht, and other spoliations committed by the French, to the decision of Louis Napoleon.

CHAPTER VII.

GREAT BRITAIN.

Anti-papal agitation continues-Views of different parties thereon-Address to Cardinal Wiseman-Effect of the Queen's replies to Addresses-Opening of the new session of Parliament-Ecclesiastical Titles Bill-Lord John Russell's speech-Ministry defeated on the subject of Parliamentary Reform-Views of the Papal aggression in the House of Lords-Unsuccessful effort of the Protectionists in the Commons—Address of the English Catholics to the Queen-Resignation of the Russell ministry—Failure of the Conservatives to form a new ministry, and return of the old to office-Important changes made in the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill-Jews' oath of Abjuration Bill—Address of the English Bishops to their Clergy against novel rites-The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill passes the House of Commons-The World's Fair.

THE agitation which we noticed in our last volume, caused by the recent act of the Pope in claiming spiritual jurisdiction over the British Isles, and the consequent assumption of a British ecclesiastical title by Cardinal Wiseman, continued with unabated force. The Catholics mostly approved of these acts, and thought they were only a prelude to the return of the British empire to the bosom of the Catholic church, after a separation and active opposition for upwards of three centuries. Some of the more intelligent Catholics, however, viewed those acts very differently. They thought it was impolitic to venture upon a course which might provoke the active hostility of the government, and rouse the strong anti-catholic feeling of many of the Protestants, which, they thought, only slumbered, but was not extinct. This section of the Catholics thought the best course for their church was to rely. on what they consider her spiritual power, until they felt themselves stronger than they then were.

Protestants viewed those measures differently. The members of the established churches strongly disapproved of them, with very few exceptions, and manifested a spirit of hostility to any. thing which looked like aggression on the part of the Catholics.

A decided majority of Protestant dissenters united with those of the established churches in opposing and denouncing the alleged aggression, notwithstanding their differences among themselves; some of them, however, stood aloof, on the ground that all established churches are unscriptural, unjust in principle, and injurious in their influence on vital religion, and that the Pope had as much real right to appoint bishops and archbishops as Queen Victoria. They thought that the interests of true Christianity are best promoted by allowing every denomination to do as they please with their own affairs, without interfering or exer

cising jurisdiction over others, according to the principles and practice in the United States of America.

Numerous public meetings were held in relation to this subject throughout Britain. The press teemed with publications on the subject, both new works and republications of the old: while the warfare was waged vigorously through the periodical press; and the Protestant societies redoubled their efforts in making converts from among the Catholics. The debates in parliament, also, regarding this subject, occupied much of the time and attention of that body.

After a long delay, the Roman Catholics of England presented a congratulatory address to Cardinal Wiseman, expressing their determination to live and die by their religion, and meeting the Protestant movement by a concealed tone of haughty defiance. This document was signed by seven of the fourteen Catholic peers, and Lord Shrewsbury sent his adhesion by letter. Mr. P. Howard was the only member of the House of Commons who signed it. The Duke of Norfolk and Lord Beaumont, Catholic noblemen, opposed the whole movement.

The queen's replies to the various addresses presented to her by public bodies, on the 10th day of December, 1850, as mentioned in our last volume, gave general satisfaction to the Protestants of the empire, as she expressed her determination to uphold "the pure and spiritual worship of the Protestant faith, and to maintain it against any danger with which it may be threatened, from whatever quarter it may proceed." Those, however, who approved of penal measures against the Catholics, were dissatisfied, as it appeared that such were not contemplated, her Majesty congratulating the council of London on their attachment to "the great principles of civil and religious liberty."

While the great body of the English church, both lay and clerical, denounced, in no ambiguous terms, the Pope's bull, and the consequent act of Wiseman, the leading Puseyite ministers presented an address to the Cardinal, in which they expressed great respect for "his person and his office, as a bishop of the church of God."

The fourth session of her third Parliament was opened by the queen in person, on the 4th of February. As the speech is brief, we refer our readers to the documents in this volume for a particular knowledge of its contents. The views of the Catholic aggression are the same as those expressed in her replies to the addresses already mentioned. On the 7th, Lord John Russell moved for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the assumption of certain ecclesiastical titles in respect of places in the United Kingdom. He stated that the government had consulted the legal ad