1880.] CONCERT OF EUROPE. 183 whole of the united Powers of Europe ever can consciously act together in the pursuit of an object that is unjust. Errors may be committed, but injustice is hardly conceivable, whilst selfishness is totally impossible." Now it is clear, at any rate, that two or more nations may easily combine for unjust and selfish purposes, as Russia, Austria, and Prussia for the partition of Poland, or Austria and Prussia for the dismemberment of Denmark, and that the other Powers may, through timidity, indolence, or selfish indifference, allow them to act as they please; and so a virtual concert of the Powers may easily commit injustice. And this it was that we desired to guard against when we refused to join in the Berlin Memorandum in 1876. That was a nominally concerted action to be taken by all the Powers, but it would really have been a concert of three Powers only, acquiesced in through timidity or indifference by the rest, had not England dared to have an opinion of her own. His closing observations on the unreasonableness of pledging the Government to summon Parliament before adopting any measure which can lead to coercion are very refreshing, and contrast curiously with his language in opposition. Lord Granville's apology for Forster's language about the House of Lords is also well worth noticing. Clearly the Irish Secretary had had a good thrashing in the Cabinet. However he may explain away his words, there can be no doubt of the animus with which they were spoken. 184 CHAPTER XVII. IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT, 1880-85. CRITICISM IN OPPOSITION SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTSLETTER TO LORD BEACONSFIELD ON THE DEFEAT OF 1880PLAYING A LOSING GAME-REMARKS ON IRELAND-COERCION -THE KILMAINHAM AFFAIR-THE PHOENIX PARK MURDERS -IS AN IMPERIAL DEMOCRACY POSSIBLE?-REMARKS ON THE TRANSVAAL-CANDAHAR-THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA -THE SOUDAN-HICKS-GORDON-THE REFORM BILL OF 1884-85-PRIVATE INTERVIEW WITH MR GLADSTONE-THE BUDGET OF 1885-CONSERVATIVES TAKE OFFICE-SIR STAFFORD GOES TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS AS EARL OF IDDESLEIGH-EXTRACTS FROM DIARY-TO BE PRIVATE SECRE TARY TO LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL SPEECHES OUT OF THE OLD-STORMY WEATHER. THE later years of Sir Stafford Northcote's life were crowded with great and momentous events. As to most of these, owing to the position of his party out of office, he occupied the attitude of a critic and of a teacher. In Parliament his business was to criticise, and his criticism 1880.] CRITICISM IN OPPOSITION. 185 was ever fair, and even generous. But criticism in politics is seldom perfectly well informed, and is seldom efficacious. For these reasons his action was not of such interest or importance as his conduct might well have been had he possessed other opportunities. Again, he was much occupied out of Parliament in journeys to distant towns all over the country, where he did his best to educate his listeners in politics as understood by him. In the chapter on Sir Stafford as a parliamentary leader, much of his activity has already been described. More as to his private impressions will be learned from the diaries which he kept at intervals from 1880 to 1886. In this chapter we shall endeavour briefly to describe his principal contributions to discussion in the House of Commons and on the platform. The events which he had to watch, the policy which he had to criticise, were extraordinary. There were the relations of the Liberal Government to Ireland in the first place. The Government, as is usual with new English Governments, made an attempt to govern without coercion, without renewing the Peace Preservation Act. Then came disorders. The Act was renewed, the Land Bill was also brought in-“A bill of Belial; there is no ruin to which it may not lead," said Lord Beaconsfield. Then came the "No Rent" manifesto; the imprisonment of Mr Parnell and many of his associates. Next followed their release the "Kilmainham Treaty," or arrangement, or whatever it should be called. Mr Forster and Lord Cowper resigned on this, and presently Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr Burke were murdered. A new period of repression or coercion followed. Abroad we were not more tranquil. There was the rising in the Transvaal, the inglorious defeats, the convention with the Boers, and the surrender of the Transvaal. In Egypt there was Arabi's movement, the Alexandrian riots, the bombardment of the town, and Tel-elKebir. Russia gave us anxiety on the Afghan frontier, France in Madagascar. The Mahdi's propaganda threatened the Soudan and Egypt. Hicks was permitted to go to his doom; Sinkat and Tokar fell; Gordon was sent on his ambiguous mission, failed, was too long neglected, and the attempt to rescue him ended in the disaster of Khartoum. The Government accumulated unpopularity and misfortunes. The Reform Bill was introduced and carried; but the combined troubles of the Government ended in a defeat on the Budget. Lord Salisbury held a brief tenure of office. Sir Stafford was raised to the House of Lords, with the position of First Lord of the Treasury. The Conservatives were defeated at the general election. Mr Gladstone came in with his Home Rule Bill: it was outvoted; and in the new Government Lord Iddesleigh held the Foreign Office. In a very few months the resignation of Lord Randolph Churchill, the appointment of Mr Goschen to the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and Lord Salisbury's choice of the Foreign department for his own, left Lord Iddesleigh without place in the Government. His death followed shortly afterwards - his old malady, an affection of the heart, suddenly declaring itself. 1880.] LETTER TO LORD BEACONSFIELD. 187 The record of these years, of these events, of this close to a long career, is sad, and shall be brief. Sir Stafford bore the heavy blow of the defeat in 1880 with his usual good-humoured and courageous stoicism, as his diaries partly prove. To Lord Beaconsfield he wrote, when all hope was ended: "There is no use writing about the situation now. I suppose we made a mistake in dissolving; but I doubt whether we should really have gained much by waiting till the autumn, and we acted on advice which seemed good, though it now turns out that our advisers were greatly misled. . . . I hope you are pretty well. This great blow does not do any one any good; but I feel very little doubt that a reaction will come, and, even if it should not replace us in office, it will take the form of a juster recognition of your great services during the critical period we have passed through. The new Government will have some difficult nuts to crack, and it is yet to be seen whether their teeth will not be broken. I take for granted that, unless some external cause prevents it, they must bring in a Reform Bill either next year or the year after, so the Parliament will hardly be a long one." Later he speaks of hopes of further service “when the nation comes to its senses.' The Liberal Government seem to be finding out that they have heavier tasks than they expected." Sir Stafford was unrivalled in the rare skill of waging a losing fight, playing a losing game, with courage and with good temper. He has been called an optimist; but it would be more fair to say that he deemed pessimism to be |