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HISTORY

OF

THE IRISH REBELLION,

&c.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

LIKE the story of a life, the history of kingdoms is generally pregnant with vicissitude. The sudden rise or rapid dissolution of a state is rarely brought about-the fall of empires is gradual-all have their era of danger or prosperity-and to avert the one and improve the other is the best test of an able and efficient executive.

The most startling period of European history will be found to embrace that stormy interval, occurring between the outbreak of the French revolution, and the legislative act, which, abolishing a faulty home government, made Ireland an integral portion of the British empire. From political evil, political good will frequently arise; and after a painful and sanguinary probation, that consolidation of British influence and power was accomplished, which enabled England in fifteen brief years afterwards to restore the tranquillity of Europe, while her own national dignity was amply vindicated, and lasting advantages secured.

For twenty years before the French revolution broke forth in all its horrors, the evil star of England had been in the ascendant. The colonies were driven into rebellion; and that discontent which bad government had induced was consummated by worse measures, and the states separated from the mother-country. The temper of the times was unfriendly to concession-when the sword was drawn the scabbard was thrown away-and sanative diplomacy was not the course resorted to by the Court of St. James to reclaim her unruly but ill-used children. To coerce, and not conciliate, was the evil policy of the personages in power-bad statesmanship did for America what her own exertions could not have achieved-and England, by rejecting their complaints, forced independence on her refractory colonists.

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The successful issue of the American struggle for independence was followed by results more important, though more distant, than those involved in colonial separation. The connection already existing between Ulster and the States was intimate and affectionate: for, the colonists and the northern Protestants were not only united by the bonds of interest, but also by the ties of blood. From every rooftree numbers had emigrated: the parent, the brother, or the child, although under another sky, were striking for freedom; the very thought that ocean rolled between kindred hearts and spirits, added to the exciteIment with which the doubtful contest was watched at home; and those, who, under other circumstances, would have looked upon a distant struggle with indifference, ardently sympathized with the revolted colonists in defcat, and openly exulted in their victories.

It was a period (1779) when Britain was sorely pressed, and engaged in a triple conflict. In Europe, France and Spain were arrayed in arms against her; and, worse still, gallant spirits, who, beneath her meteor flag, should have bled and conquered, were banded against her in dangerous and determined hostility. With justice, therefore, the most serious alarm pervaded the empire, and none could be insensible to the danger of the times. The combined fleets of France and Spain were superior to the protecting navy of Great Britain; the Channel infested with privateers; trade was completely interrupted; the coast exposed to descent; and the regular troops drained from the kingdom, when Ireland was actually threatened with invasion. Fearful of being plundered by the numerous rovers who swarmed the British seas, and whose audacity warranted the apprehension, several of the maritime towns armed for self-defence,*—and Government, thankfully availing itself of their timely assistance, encouraged the rising spirit of national resistance. A body, instituted for passive protection at first, grew rapidly into strength and influence, physical and moral, which, in its earlier application, was admirably employed in the reformation of constitutional abuses and the extension of civil and religious liberty, but latterly, deviating from original principles, became a cloak for revolutionary designs, and eventually rendered its extinction imperative upon an executive, who felt the danger of intimidation from a body taking an armed attitude, and exchanging remonstrance for dictation.

Beyond a summary notice, the rise, progress, and suppression of that political and most influential institution, the Irish Volunteers, would be alien to a work designed to detail the consequences, rather than the causes, of those revolutionary movements, which, gradually

"This gave rise to the Volunteers, of which numerous bodies were immediately raised, who at first supplied themselves with arms at their own expense; and Government, wishing to encourage the laudable spirit which the Irish nation shewed, distributed immense quantities among them. It is most certain, that these military associations deterred the French from attempting an invasion of the kingdom, which they meditated at that time; and they completely preserved the police of the country. To their immortal honour be it spoken, that, though self-embodied, armed, and di they not only shewed the greatest respect for the laws, but the rcing the execution of them."-Musgrave.

deviating from the sound constitutional principles of reform which were propounded by the delegates at Dungannon, in February, 1782, became infected with the unholy spirit of the times, and sought not the reformation of abuse, but the overturn of established government. Justice, however, to the memory of a body, still held by its few remaining members in fond remembrance, requires us to say, that before suspicion had attached itself to men who had been influenced in their formation, by principles whose purity and patriotism were unquestionable, the founders had gradually seceded. Consequences, not anticipated when enrolled, rendered the dissolution of the body most desirable; the emergency which called them into existence had passed; to the morals and the fortunes of many individuals the system proved injurious, and executive security was seriously endangered by the proceedings of turbulent men, who still, and without a plea for its necessity, maintained a threatening position, and, like the beggar in Gil Blas demanding alms, sought concessions with loaded muskets.

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The Dungannon meeting had appealed to Parliament, and its call for reform, just and temperate as it was, met very properly, with the attention it was entitled to. Emboldened by success, a fresh experiment was made in 1783-the delegates adopting the infelicitous title of the American Independents, and terming themselves " a Congress." The Government appear to have acted on this occasion with vigour and determination, and the prayer of the petition was indignantly rejected. Mortified at this unexpected failure, "the National Assembly" sought for the causes of what appeared an abated want of influence, and it required but slight inquiry to detect it. The religious prejudices of Protestants, Dissenters, and Roman Catholics, had kept the parties generally aloof. As a small section, the reformers wanted power; and unity of purpose was absolutely essential to success. The Catholics-could a political coalition be brought about-would at once secure for them a numerical preponderance and thus existing circumstances pointed to an union of interests as the only practical and effective means of carrying ulterior objects.

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"The volunteer institution occasioned much idleness and dissipation among the industrious part of the community, and destroyed subordination, so essential to the existence of social order; for persons of low rank, associating with their superiors, lost that respect which they had entertained for them, and were inspired with levelling principles. "On the 15th of May, 1784, the Belfast First Volunteer Company resolved and agreed to instruct, in the use of arms, persons of all ranks and religious persuasions, who should present themselves for that purpose; and they offered them the use of their own arms.

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"On the 16th of May, 1784, the builders' corps in Dublin resolved, that their drill serjeant should attend at Marlborough green, three days in the week, to teach persons of all ranks and religious persuasions the use of arms."-Musgrave's Memoirs.

As the main strength of the nation in respect to number was conceived to rest in the Romanists, who might constitute three-fourths of the whole population, to give these a proportionate weight in the system, and to interest them warmly in the plan proposed-was an object of primary magnitude with political reformers. For the removal of those legal restrictions and disqualifications by which the Romanists were deprived of what was accounted their due share of political power,

Impressed with a sincere conviction, that from many civil advantages the religious prejudices of the times had unjustly excluded them, the Irish Roman Catholics had established a committee in Dublin, to devise measures for obtaining such further concessions as should be thought desirable, but limiting the prayer of their petition to the repeal of restrictive laws.* With great moderation, they remonstrated against the perpetuation of idle and offensive disabilities, which, years before, should have been erased from the statute book. That appeal was unfortunately disregarded. To the more turbulent of the Catholic leaders, its rejection afforded an apology for loud and threatening declamation, at which the more moderate took alarm. The tide of popular approbation ran with the violent section of the committee-the nobility and gentry seceded—and wild or mercenary demagoguest took and kept their places.

Three months before, the mutual advantages which it was evident must arise from a union of political interests, had brought round a coalition between the northern republicans and the Catholic Committee. The declaration of their objects announced that they had united “for the purpose of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, and thereby obtain a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty.' Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform were the avowed objects of their pursuit. By the former was understood a total abolition of political distinctions between Romanists and Protestants; by the latter they professed to mean a completely democratic House of Commons." Such was the origin of the society of United Irishmen.

In the early session of 1792 a bill passed, by which many Roman Catholic disabilities were removed. The bar and general practice of the law were opened-the absurd enactments against mixed marriages between Protestant and Catholic abrogated-and educational restrictions, foreign and domestic, totally removed. These concessions appear, however, to have had little effect in conciliating the Catholics rally, and the noble lord, through whose wisdom and influeuce they had been obtained, was held up as a man to be doubted by his co-religionists, and his successful mediation with the Government was returned with rancorous abuse.

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A sweeping measure of reform was immediately devised-one sc purely republican, as to prevent the objects of those who framed it from being mistaken for a moment.§ Its effect, when promulgated,

vigorous efforts were made, and various engines put in motion."- Gordon's History.

* "It breathed that spirit of mildness and moderation which appeared in all their procedings, while they were regulated by the nobility and gentry of the Roman Catholic persuasion. It was signed by the Lords Fingal, Gormanstown, Kenmare, Doctor Troy, titular Archbishop of Dublin, and by most of the landholders and respectable gentlemen of their persuasion in the kingdom."-Musgrave. Lord Kenmare.

January, 1792.

"They proposed that the Parliament should be annual; that for the purpose of election, the whole kingdom should be divided into three hundred electorates,

had an opposite influence upon all parties. The lower orders of the Catholics, in parochial assemblies, adopted the resolutions of the delegates, and, expressing their adhesion to the Catholic Committee, declared a fixed determination to carry out the electoral reform they had recommended. The more enlightened of the Catholic body, however, rejected the scheme as destructive to the existing constitution, and, in communion with the great bulk of the Protestants, publicly thanked Parliament for rejecting a petition which had been presented the preceding session, to obtain elective franchise for members of the Church of Rome. Indeed the ulterior objects of the discontented Catholics were become perfectly apparent, and many of the warmest and most consistent of their advocates began to waver in opinion.* Acting, however, on the resolutions they had published, the committee determined to summon a convention. Circulars were issued by their leader, Edward Byrn-representatives elected in the counties-and on the 3rd of December, 1792, "the Back-lane Parliament" commenced its first session in Tailors' Hall.

The daring measure of calling together an assembly, where the delegates debated with closed doors, was followed by a still bolder demonstration. The discontented Romanists resolved upon making a display of physical force—and declared their intention to arm, to "maintain their rights and effect their objects." For this purpose large sums of money were levied, and a body was enrolled in the metropolis, under the title of "The National Guard." They were arrayed in green uniforms, with a harp without the crown displayed upon the buttons and appointments. Orders were issued for a general muster on the 9th of December; but a proclamation, issued by the Lord Lieutenant, declared the body to be dangerous to the public peace, and directed the authorities to disperse the meeting should it be attempted, and employ force were it required. Many conjectures were hazarded at the time res

each formed by a combination of parishes, and all as nearly equal as possible in point of population; that no qualification with respect to property should be required in the elector nor in the representative; that every male of sound understanding of the full age of twenty-one, and resident in the electorate during the last six months preceding the election, should be capable of suffrage for a representative; that to be qualified for a seat in the House of Commons, a man should be twenty-five years old, resident within the kingdom, and holding neither place nor pension under Government, and that each representative should receive a reasonable stipend for his attendance in Parliament."

Sir Hercules Langrish, in his place in the Commons, thus addressed the House" Notwithstanding my prepossessions in favour of the Roman Catholics, I was checked for some time in my ardour to serve them, by reading of late a maltitude of publications and paragraphs in the newspapers, and other public prints, circulated gratis with the utmost industry, purporting to convey the sentiments of the Catholics.-What was their import?-they were exhortations to the people never to be satisfied at any concession, till the state itself was conceded: they were precautions against public tranquillity; they were invitations to disorder, and covenants of discontent; they were ostentations of strength, rather than solicitations for favours; rather appeals to the powers of the people, than applications to the authority of the state; they involved the relief of the Catholic, with the revolution of the government; and were dissertations for democracy, rather than arguments for toleration."

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