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them. "Let us proceed, gentlemen," cried the seller of human flesh in a stentorian voice;-"let us proceed, a woman for sale!"
"An excellent woman; not a fault! and a little boy in the bargain. How much for the mother and child250 dollars; very well, sir, $250 to begin. Some one has bid $250. Truly, gentlemen, they sell cattle for a larger price; $250; look at these eyes, examine these limbs-shall I say $260? Thanks, gentlemen, some one has bid $260. It seems to me that I heard $275;-go on gentlemen; I have never sold such a bargain. How! $280 for the best cook, the best washer and the best dressmaker in Virginia? Must I sell her for the miserable price of $280? $300; two gentlemen have said $300. Very well, gentlemen; I am happy to see you begin to warm a little; some one bid 310-310, going330-335-340-340, going-upon my honor, gentlemen, it is indeed a sacrifice to lose so good a cook; a great bargain for $340. Reflect upon it a little, and do not forget there is a little boy in the bargain."
Here our auctioneer was interrupted in his harangue by one of his customers, a man whose appearance had inspired me, from the first moment, with a feeling of horror, and who, with the indifference and sang froid of an assassin, made to him the following observation: "As for the negro child, it is good for nothing; it is not worth a day's nourishment, and if I have the mother, I will give away the child very quick; the first bidder will be able to have it at a cheap bargain."
I glanced at the unfortunate mother, anxious to see what effect this barbarous proposal would have upon her. She did not speak, but a profound sadness was impressed on her countenance. The little innocent which she held in her arms, fixed his large eyes upon her, as if saying, "mamma, why do you weep?" Then he turned towards the witnesses of this heart-rending scene, with an expression that seemed to ask, what they had done to his mother to make her weep so bitterly. No, never will this moment escape my memory; it has confirmed me for all my life in the horror-that I already felt at this infamous traffic. The auction continued, and finally the crier, striking a heavy blow with a ham
mer, pronounced the award; to Mr. for $360. The victim descended from the table and was led away by the purchaser. The other slaves were sold in the same manner as poor Betsy. Julia was sold at $326, and Augustus at $105. They both fell to the same individual who had purchased the former lot.- Travels of Arforedson.
Extent of this traffic.
According to New Orleans papers, there were imported into that port, during the week commencing on the 16th ult., from various ports in the United States, 371 slaves, principally from Virginia.-Niles' Register, Oct. 22, 1831.
Supposing the above to be an average number, it would follow that the Domestic maritime Slave Trade supplies New Orleans with no less than twenty thousand slaves every year, three times the annual importation from abroad into the United States, when the foreign trade was most brisk.
If to this number we add ten thousand for those landed in other states and territories, without touching at New Orleans, and twenty thousand for the inland trade, it will make a total of fifty thousand men, bought and sold like swine in this professedly christian nation, every year.
It is stated in the Natchez Courier, that during the year 1836, no less than two hundred and fifty thousand slaves were carried into Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas. Well hath the Great and Just ONE, said, "shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?"
1st We hold that Congress has no right to abolish slavery in the southern states.
2d. We hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the legislatures of the several states in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such abolition, is unconstitutional.
3d. We believe that Congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, that the state governments have within their respective jurisdictions, and that it is their duty to efface so foul a blot from the national escutcheon.
4th. We believe that American citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions of the constitutions, laws and institutions of any and every state and nation under Heaven; and we mean never to surrender the liberty of speech, of the press, or of conscience -blessings we have inherited from our fathers, and which we intend as far as we are able, to transmit unimpaired to our children.
5th. We have uniformly deprecated all forcible attempts on the part of the slaves to recover their liberty. And were it in our power to address them, we would exhort them to observe a quiet and peaceful demeanor, and would assure them that no insurrectionary movement on their part, would receive from us the slightest aid or countenance.
6th. We would deplore any servile insurrection, both on account of the calamities which would attend it, and on account of the occasion which it might furnish of increased severity and oppression.
7th. We are charged with sending incendiary publications to the South. If by the term incendiary is meant publications containing arguments and facts to prove slavery to be a moral and political evil, and that duty and policy require its immediate abolition, the charge is
true. But if this term is used to imply publications encouraging insurrection, and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters, the charge is utterly and unequivocally false.
8th. We are accused of sending our publications to the slaves, and it is asserted that their tendency is to excite insurrections. Both the charges are false. These publications are not intended for the slaves, and were they able to read them, they would find in them no encouragement to insurrection.
9th. We are accused of employing agents in the slave states to distribute our publications. We have never had one such agent. We have sent no packages of our papers to any person in those States for distribution, except to five respectable resident citizens, at their own request. But we have sent, by mail, single papers addressed to public officers, editors of newspapers, clergymen and others. If, therefore, our object is to excite the slaves to insurrection, the MASTERS are our agents!
10th. We believe slavery to be sinful, injurious to this and every other country in which it prevails; we believe immediate emancipation to be the duty of every slaveholder, and that the immediate abolition of slavery, by those who have the right to abolish it, would be safe and wise. These opinions we have freely expressed, and we certainly have no intention to refrain from expressing them in future, and urging them upon the conscience and hearts of our fellow-citizens who hold slaves or apologize for slavery.
11th. We believe that the education of the poor is required by duty, and by a regard for the permanency of our republican institutions. There are thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens, even in the free states, sunk in abject poverty, and who on account of their complexion, are virtually kept in ignorance, and whose instruction in certain cases is actually prohibited by law! We are anxious to protect the rights and to promote the virtue and happiness of the colored portion of our population, and on this account we have been charged with a design to encourage inter-marriage between the whites and blacks. This charge has been repeatedly, and is again denied, while we repeat that the
tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever slavery exists. 12th. We are accused of acts that tend to a dissolution of the Union, and even of wishing to dissolve it. We have never calculated the value of the Union,' because we believe it to be inestimable; and that the abolition of slavery will remove the chief danger of its dissolution; and one of the many reasons why we cherish and will endeavor to preserve the Constitution is, that it restrains Congress from making any law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.
Such, fellow-citizens, are our principles.-Are they unworthy of republicans and of Christians ?-Ex. Com. of the A. An. Slavery Society, New York, Sept. 5, 1835.
The object of this Society is the entire abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits that each state in which slavery exists, has, by the Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in said state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of God, and that the duty, safery, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic slave trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may be hereafter admitted to the Union.-Constitution of the A. A. Slavery Society, Art. ii.
This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice, that thus they may, according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges; but this Society will never, in any way, countenance the op