this score, I believe, in the German settlements. In the township in which I reside, there are some common schools kept up at the public expense, and it is left to the neighborhood to take their choice, whether they will receive instruction in the German or English language. But, in addition to this, I think it ought te be the policy of the legislature, to encourage education in the English language as much as possible. All the public records of every kind are kept in the English language, and it seems right to me that the Germans should be made to accommodate themselves to it.

I was myself brought up in the county of Berks, and there they found it requisite to teach in the English language. Such, too, is the case in the county in which I now reside, Lancaster. I believe that all intelligent Germans entertain the opinion, that it would be much better to dispense with the German language in the schools. I hope to see the day when the people of this commonwealth will not be distinguished by the title of German and English, and when we shall be known only by the common title of Pennsylvanians. This is my sincere desire.

In the state of Louisiana, as I have been informed, part of the members of the legislature speak in the French language, and part in the English. This is a state of things which ought to be done away with there, and which, I trust, no attempt will ever be made to introduce into the state of Pennsylvania.

It was suggested on this floor the other day, by the delegate from the county of Lehigh, that the proceedings in the courts of justice, in certain districts, should be held in the German language. I should regret to see such a state of things established. I think that the German language should be merged. I think that it would be better for the interests and happiness of our citizens, and that we should do all that we can to draw the bonds of union closer, and to make them one people in language, in manners, in customs, and in feeling. But, at the same time, I would do nothing by force; I would leave it to the Germans to come in gradually, as they choose to do. The intelligent Germans of our state, are themselves satisfied of the propriety of this course, and the German schools are becoming less and less wanted every year.

But, does the provision in the constitution of 1790, preclude instructions in the German language? Or would any amendment which we might make to that provision, in which the word "German," might not be specially introduced, exclude instructions in the German language? Certainly not, sir.

The German population can have instruction in the German language, if they desire to have it. They constitute about one-third of the wealth and population of this state, and the legislature, in which body they have themselves their due portion of representatives, will not undertake to exclude them from having instruction in their own language, if they desire to receive it through that medium.

As a farther corroboration of the statement I have made, that the German language was gradually merging into the English, I will refer to a case that occurred during the sittings of this convention in the last

summer.

It will be recollected that we received the "Daily Chronicle" here, and that a number of copes were furnished in English, and a number in German. I believe, from some circumstances which came to my knowledge, that the English copies best answered the purpose which the convention had in view in subscribing for the paper. My friend from the county of Allegheny, (Mr. Forward) was obliging enough to offer me for some time, his German copies. I sent them to my neighbors, and thought I was rendering them an act of kindness. What was my aston ishment to find that several persons to whom I had sent them, said, that if I had sent English copies, it would have been all right, but that the German copies which I sent, were of no use to them, because they could not read them. They speak the German language, it is true,-but their instruction is all in English.

Here is a sufficient proof that the German people are gradually accommodating themselves to the particular times and circumstances in which they live; and I think that they exhibit great wisdom in so doing.

I shall, therefore, as I have stated, vote against the amendment to the amendment. I shall, also, vote against the amendment of the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia; and, if an opportunity presents itself, I shall vote in favor of the report of the committee, for the reasons sugges ted, generally, by the gentleman from the county of Bucks, (Mr. Jenks) who sits before me.

I prefer that the provision should contain the words "as soon as conveniently may be," because I would incorporate in it nothing imper active, and nothing which can give offence to any part of the commu nity.

I would like, also, to see the word "common" introduced. That is a point which should not, in my opinion, be left discretionary with the legislature; because, if it were so, the provision might be made to include all kind of schools, and this would be a course of policy which we do not contemplate. All that we desire at this time, is to have elementary schools.

I should also prefer to throw out the words "at the public expense." I feel satisfied that no subject has been brought before the convention which is so delicate in its nature, or in relation to which the people of the state are so sensitive, as about this very subject of common school education. It will be requisite for us to act upon it with great care and circumspection. Indeed, we cannot deal with it too gently; and, for my own part, I would rather give my consent that the provision of the consti tution of 1790 should continue in force precisely as it now is, than would vote to introduce into it, any thing which could give offence in any quarter.

The school system is established, and, as I have said, it is all going on well. The people are gradually coming into the measure-their prejudices, which at one time arrayed themselves so strongly against it, are becoming less strong every year; and I should regret extremely, that any act on the part of this convention, of an imperative character, should have the effect of impeding its onward progress. I trust that nothing of the kind will be done.

Mr. STURDEVANT said, he would modify his amendment so as to insert after the word "legislature," in the first line, the words "as soon as conveniently may be,"-and, in the second line, after the word "such," the word "common," so that it would read as follows:

"It shall be the duty of the legislature, as soon as conveniently may be, to provide for the establishment of such common schools, throughout the commonwealth, as may be deemed necessary,-in which all persons may be taught at the public expense."

I make this modification, said Mr. S. because I am desirous to avoid all ambiguity in this provision. In the form in which it now appears, the amendment which I proposed, gives the legislature the power to establish German schools, or such others as they may deem proper. This will do away with the necessity of adopting the amendment of the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia, and also, with the necessity of introducing the word "German"-and will enable all persons to be taught at the public expense.

I think that the words at the "public expense," should be retained; but as to this, I am not tenacious. I have introduced these modifications, at the suggestions of some of my friends. I can see no use in introducing the words "English or German." In my view, they are extremely exceptionable. It was not thought necessary to introduce them into the constitution of 1790, nor does any such necessity exist now. If adopted, as I propose, the provision will enable the legislature to establish schools in any of the districts where the Germans may live, and where they may be taught in their own language. But it will leave the whole matter to the legislature; they will be left to judge of the expediency of the matter, and to establish such a system as they think will best answer the end desired. And until such time as they think proper to alter it, the system will remain as it is.

Mr. FULLER, of Favette, said that, as the proposition of the gentleman from Susquehanna, (Mr. Read) had been voted down, and to which he was friendly, they must now proceed to consider what they should do

with the rest.

No gentleman present entertained any other opinion than that this was a highly important subject, and the only object which they all had in view, was to farther the purposes of education. It was true, as had been well observed by several delegates, that there was danger lest, in making alterations in the constitution, we should alarm the prejudices and fears of the people of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. If the system of education chosen, was not one properly adapted to the views of the great mass of the people, it might have the effect of prostratingof putting down entirely, the whole system, and also, of defeating all the amendments to the constitution. If it should have the one tendency, it would have the other.

He, for his own part, was not inclined to put any thing in the constitution which would directly, or indirectly, have a tendency to defeat one or the other. He believed that the old constitution would be more acceptable to the people than any of the amendments which had been offered, except that of the gentleman from Susquehanna, (Mr. Read) which left the whole provision to the people of the state, who

might make such an arrangement and organization as they pleased. With regard to the amendment of the delegate from Luzerne, (Mr. Woodward) he would say, that if the words at the public expense,' were stricken out, it would be unobjectionable.

Some of the features in the amendment of the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia, (Mr. Ingersoll) which appeared to be objectionable, had in a great measure, been explained away, though there still remained some which were objectionable. In that light he viewed the words "English and German." He thought it would be impolitic for the convention to undertake to say any thing about foreign languages. There were but few counties, in which the majority of the population consisted of Germans; and where there was, they could instruct their representa tives in the legislature, to obtain the fulfilment of their wishes. Under all the circumstances, he conceived it would be better to leave the settle ment of the matter to the legislature, than to designate the languages that should be taught. He would vote against this amendment, and the amendment to the amendment, and in favor of the old constitution.

Mr. KONIGMACHER, of Lancaster, remarked that the opinions expressed by the gentleman from Mercer, (Mr. Cunningham) and the gentleman from Bedford, (Mr. Cline) could not apply to the district which he had the honor to represent, when they stated that the German language was gradually dying away. And, consequently the convention was to be left to infer that it was not necessary to provide for the German language. Three-fourths of the population of Lancaster, was German, and they performed their religious exereises in that language. They consisted of Baptists, Menonists and United Brethren, and they were all highly respectable. Were they to be told it was useless for them to continue their intercourse with each other in the German language? One of the objections urged by the gentleman from Bedford, (Mr. Cline) why the language should not be encouraged, was, that there were no German books to be procured in this country. He (Mr. K.) must say that he was much surprised to hear that remark, especially coming from the source it did. He should be glad to know if it was not as easy to obtain books from Germany as from England. The Moravians taught in Ger man as well as in English, and they had two boarding schools, celebrated throughout the country, in which there were children from all parts of the United States. One consisting of boys, and the other of girls. These establishments were situated in the centre of a German settlement. It would be just as wrong to say that those who speak German shall not learn English, as it would be to say that those who speak English shall not learn German. The one has as good a right to learn German as the other has to learn English.

He would cheerfully vote for the amendment of the delegate from the county of Philadelphia, (Mr. Ingersoll) but he did not think its terms were obligatory and imperative, and which he did not approve. As was very justly remarked by the gentleman from Beaver, the amendment might meet the approval of the German emigrants, (as the foreigners were designated in Pennsylvania) who were not accustomed to much freedom in their own country; but our native Germans are republican, and must be placed on the same footing as the rest of their fellow citi He did not like the amendment, because it was left to the discre

zens.

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tion of the legislature to say what language should be cultivated. He was afraid that if the amendment should be adopted, the German population might be deprived of German schools. His opinion was, that the convention had better not meddle with the subject, and that it would be perferable to leave it to the people, or their representatives. He could not vote for the amendment in its present form; he should therefore vote in the negative until it should come up in a shape that would meet his views. The report of the committee came nearer to them, but he could not promise to vote for it. The constitution, in its present form, he thought, provided every thing that was necessary. In his opinion, the cause of education had prospered as much in this commonwealth as any other in the United States. He did not know that it would be prudent to strike out the word "poor" from the section now under consideration; because, at the same time, the legislature, by passing an unpopular law, might abolish the privileges of the poor.

The question was taken on Mr. STURDEVANT'S amendment, and it was negatived.

Mr. CHAMBERS, of Franklin, moved to amend the amendment of the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia, (Mr. Ingersoll) by striking out all after the word "legislature," and inserting, "shall as soon as may be provide by law for the establishment of common schools throughout the state."

Mr. C. said, that in offering this amendment to the amendment, he proposed to go back, as near as might be, to the old constitution. The opinion had been expressed here repeatedly, and assented to, that the constitution was not to be changed, unless for the purpose of remedying some evil, obviating some inconvenience, or affording some advantages to the public welfare. What, then, he would ask, were the objections that were raised to the constitutional provision in relation to our schools? The prevailing one was, that it was not sufficiently imperative. And, although the provision was simple and short, and modifications without number, had been proposed, yet none had met the approbation of the committee. What, he inquired, was the object of making the provision more imperative? For the purpose of directing the legislature. The proper director of the legislature, was public sentiment-public opinionthat was to direct them on this subject. The provision was only imperative in relation to the "poor," and left the subject of education generally to the legislature; and they had introduced a system as good, as liberal and as comprehensive as was possessed by any state in the Union. None of the states had gone beyond the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. What had done this? It was public opinion reflected by the representatives of the people. Public opinion had directed the legislature-established the system, and confirmed it. He was content with the general declaration that common schools shall be established, leaving the details to be arranged by the legislature, as had been already done, and that power had been exercised. Where, he asked, was the evidence that any thing was required to direct the legislature--to compel it to act on the subject? We found that it was not necessary, at least, in this commonwealth, because we had it. What, then, was the practice in other states ? Had they thought it necessary to direct their legislature, and also to get it to state the terms on which they would do it? In 1821, when the state