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tent; but beyond question, in a more ample degree, than at prefent we enjoy it. In common life, a man would be warned by habitual infirmity, to avoid the occafion of his misfortunes. And fhall not Ireland, to whom feuds and ftrifes have coft fo dear, prefer that form of free government, which is best protected against the recurrence of the very difafters we complain of? It was on this view of the subject, and upon this reafoning I grounded my affertion, that the neceffities of Ireland called for a "a great change of manners, to be founded on a great change of Conftitution."

Sir, the evil of restrictive laws upon the people, has been lost in the magnitude of their confequences. The ftatutes of Queen Anne formed the nucleus of a fyftem of abufes. Not the primitive mifchief alone, but all its inci ents are to be rectified. All the bearings, and relations of authority are to be varied: civil fociety itfelf is to be new-modelled. Where is the power, where the perfeverance, where the virtue, to undertake that talk?-to profecute with vigour and discharge the duty with fidelity? Are we to await in pious expectation, that the country may be regenerated by the play of factions, where factions are proverbially corrupt? or retrieved by the energetic virtue of fome chief governor, whilft notoriously the most feeble thing. on earth, againft local cabals, is the government of Ireland? How many of these cabals would ftart up to obftruct a project, by the fuccefs of which nearly all of them would be offended? No; let the cabals be firft put out of the way, and then the ftupendous labour of improvement may be attempted. When the borough intereft fhall be reduced and fixed in England, its influence will be altered materially as to the empire,

*See page 55.

but

A

but almoft totally as to Ireland. It will no longer feel the neceffity of leaning for fupport on party fpirit; and if any perfons ftill retain a hank ering for that ftale expedient, the Crown, relieved from its actual state of dependance, would be fully competent to controul them. I fmile to hear people tell, what prodigies were to be effected by particular administrations: we should have a Viceroy in each parish to carry into effect any extenfive scheme of benevolence. General benefit and impartial kindness to all the people j contrary to the nature of our prefent arrangement. Chief Governor may extend the practice, juft fo far as his eye and his activity can reach and for just fo long a term, as the duration of his authority. Let his vigilance relax for an hour, or let a fucceffor come, with different views or inferior ener. gy,-chaos returns again; every thing relapses to fufpicion and feverity. Lord Cornwallis brought with him to the government of Ire land greater perfonal advantages, than perhaps any nobleman poffeffed, fince the Duke of Ormond filled that fituation. What obftructions has he encountered? How comparatively little has he been able to effect? How unavailing will all his efforts prove, if retiring from the helm, he shall leave the fyftem as he found it? What were the virtues of Trajan to the Roman world? They paffed without confequence or impreffion, beyond the day on which they were dif played: As the beam that shoots across a dull horizon, for an instant it seems to chear, and the general gloom envelopes it.

Arguing politically, I know nothing of impli eit confidences. I propofe to truft to the Crown, because the interefts of the Prince concur fo exactly with thofe of the people; and, as little ins clined to general fufpicion, I inculcate diffidence

of

of the native powers in that point only, where I see them repelled from the general good by the law, the omnipotent law of felf-aggrandizement, and merely to the extent of that repulfion. Does my credulous faith embrace the honor of Britain? It does precisely, under the guidance of the fame rule, and to the fame latitude. The British Government is conducted upon principles which do not leave room to fuppofe, that it would be unjust gratuitoufly, and to its own detriment. There do I fix my mind, where I fee positive regulas tion, fupported by obvious intereft. Our empire depends for its existence in the European system, on the resources of its fubjects. Compared with the powers to whom it is oppofed, its population is fmall, its range of territory diminutive. As the is obliged to adopt a naval method of defence, England could not, if he were inclined, act in that spirit of fummary defpotifm, which we fee practifed on the Continent. Conftraint may col lect an army; plunder may fubfift and clotheit; a fleet must be equipped by money; and that rcvenue, which is indifpenfable to a maritime ftate, can only be drawn from a people in opu. lence. Now if the fubjects of Ireland were rich, and that a wayward Parliament dealt out the public treasure with a parfimonious hand, I might fuppofe the Minister was anxious to be relieved from the restriction. When I find, that a poor ftate is taxed profufely; taxed to the full amount of what is at any time demanded, I must endeavour to affign a motive more intelligible. Administration hopes to make Ireland contribute to the general exigence. Granted; but does it therefore mean to wring from poverty, by means of a new conflitution, what it may have at difcretion un. der the agency of the old? or does it rather undertake the fevere task of bringing this new or

der

der to perfection, that it may create by a more kind management the ability to afford affiftance? it propofes to diffufe content, to protect the productive claffes, to govern us, an experiment which has not yet been tried, in fome conformity with the genius of the nation. Truly if the officers of the Crown have any other object in view, they give themselves much unneceffary trouble. If they entertain defigns of a lefs gracious kind, they purfue their end by the moft improbable and unprofitable of all expedients. I have fomewhere read of a giant who was choaked by a fix-penny loaf after he had breakfafted upon wind-mills. Have all the old contrivances for government in Ireland failed? Is the band paralized that difpenfes patronage? Has influence become innoxious? To be plain and ferious, what is that unfavourable measure of regulation for Irish people, or Irish pretenfions, which might not be carried into effect without this concuffion and this removal, and effected too by means, infinitely lefs troublefome and invidious? But, fay they, the Minister projects to render this ifland a military depot for the Empire. Then indeed, he is a fimpleton, who refufes to leave us this conftitution, which requires forty thoufand auxiliaries to preferve its equilibrium. Ifhould think that he deprives himself of a very competent excufe for martial preparations.

An Incorporating Union does not arm the Crown with new powers against the people. Minifters do not gain any thing on the fide of authority. All their refources for that effect are as complete and perfect as they could wish. The public mind, indeed, requires to be cultivated; from thence alone, refiftance to the will of fuperior men is to be apprehended in Ireland. But after an Union, the public mind will just act as powerfully as before; and it may as well communicate its impreffions to the imperial,

imperial, as to the local legislature;* What! after all her exertions to produce a change of government, of which this country ftands in need, Great Britain is at once to caft the advantage from her, and play the tyrant to her own detriment. She is to go to Ruffia and the Morea to look for troops, and will not attach to her a warlike people, her closeft neighbour. She will fuffer this land in every war to be the advanced post of the enemy! Such terrors are for the nursery, and more fimple than children are thofe who will indulge in them. I confefs if, like the perfons who affect to entertain these apprehenfions, I could bring myself to think, that the English go vernment was not to be induced, even by its intereft, even by the urgent neceffity of felf-prefervation, to deal honeftly by this kingdom, I fhould much hefitate to doom a man to death, who turned his thoughts to feparation.

Good gentlemen, how do you fupport the Crown, when you lay down, that the ftate, over which his Majefty prefides, is the most incorrigible of all enemies to this people?

If between government and fubject there is to be no amnefty-no oblivion of erroneous policy; not a power on earth ean fo correct its rule of conduct, as to create fatisfaction in the

people

*The British Parliament, it cannot be doubted, is more accustomed to treat its fubjects with attention, and is more eafy of access than the Irish, witness the very different manner in which the cafe of the Maroons has been treated, and that of the Catholics, at times difcuffed in Ireland. Now, I fhould think that, abstracted from political influence, the mere fentiment of any part of its fubjects would have more effect upon that, than upon this legislature. cumftance of a British Member of Parliament diftinguishing I do not recollect any cir himself by invectives against the subjects for whom he le giflates.