but doubtless, the ftate of Ireland, rushes upon your mind as it does on mine, and forms a ftriking illuftration. The perfons moft diftinguished, by political, and almoft by personal difinclination to that material branch of the people, the Catholics, are to be found among the parliamentary interests; those who endeavour principally to make Popery a bugbear, are men in office under corporations, and fubordinately under government. I have no idea that any particular difapprobation of religious tenets enters into this hoftility. The term of divifion is convenient; but if any other equally answered the defign, it would equally be made ufe of. You may talk, and I am fure you believe it, of advances to conciliate. The minifters of the Crown perceived the wretched policy under which this country languifhed, and they procured laws to be enacted favourable to the Catholics. Many liberal and enlightened Proteftants did cordially adopt the change. But, of that party, all those who by the coarfenefs of their habits, or of their understanding, may be faid to conflitute the vulgar, obferved with great fpleen the advancement of men to the or der of fellow citizens, whom they had been ac customed to regard as fubordinate; and their jealoufy was countenanced by a large portion of the powerful. The novelty of their fituation, the warmth of controverfy, but above all the unneighbourly temper that broke out, whilft the repeal of the popery laws was agitated, did betray many * In 1778 the firft relaxation of the Popery laws took place, and fo much was the merit of this measure to be attributed to the royal interpofition, that when in the beginning of the feffion, a bill, far lefs extenfive, was propofed, it was contemptuoufly rejected. On the first attempt the House was left to itself. many of the Catholics into political indiscretion.f On the whole, what you confider advances to conciliate, were accompanied by circumftances which appear to me to have rather repelled each people from the other. The texture that legiflation attempted to weave, manners unravelled as affiduously. There are families in Ireland, who, having acted for generations upon this crooked policy of difunion, have at length loft the clue to their conduct, and candidly conceive that whilft inflamed by paffion they pursue their intereft, they are cultivating a fober and judicious principle. Tradition, education, intercourfe have contributed, fo entirely to work into the frame of their minds, the anti-popu lar prepoffeffion, that in the modern manifestations of zeal for Proteftantifm, as a political not a religious defignation, there is infinitely lefs of predetermination than of character. To a body thus conftituted, the crown muft under our prefent forms refort, in order to carry on the government without obftruction; and its confent must be procured by the terms I have fpeci fied. † I allude here to acts of alienation, not from the state, but from the individuals in authority. As to the rebellion, I conceive the remote operation of the popery laws to have conduced to it, by throwing too much power into the hands of private gentlemen, by preventing the diffufion of property, and fo creating a lawlefs character in the common people; but cer tainly it had nothing in it of political pretenfions of the one party against the other. If the rebellion had not been fuppreffed, there is no doubt it must have proved fatal to reli gion in general. The people here, precifely as in France, were fanaticifed by Deifts. If they had proceeded much farther, they would have been induced, as they were in France, to leave their Pastors in a minority of timid devotees and women, and the former pretenfions of that clergy to popularity, would have occafioned to them a very bitter perfecution. I fay with confidence that the fentiments I here express, were, pending and previous to the late commotions, entertained by the heads of the Catholic clergy in this kingdom. [73] fied. Now can you for an inftant argue that this deny my conclufion, that it is not fo confonant to the welfare of the country, to be governed by perfons, who are themselves engaged in the distracting factions, as by a power that nature and fituation render indifferent, and which in addition, prefents an equal affurance for Our civil liberties? If with you, I attributed to accident, any part of the temper which we all deplore, I fhould be difpofed with you to exped the remedy from time and patience. The hiftory of Europe for a few years back, that rich harvelt of experience, has inftructed me not to admire the short cut to political improvement. But it is here I beg leave particularly to remind you, that the fource of our country's misfortunes feems to lie deeper than you conclude from your examination.-They muft F be Sharply [74] be traced to influences and interefts, ariling from the organization of our conftitution, and which contain a renovating principle of difcord, calculated to endure to the utmoft term of its exiftence; where there is partiality in the exercife, or diftribution of power, he who is called on to obey, will to the end of time perform his duty with reluct ance. Where there is even the appearance or fufpicion of partiality, the fubject will not be cordial. I do not accuse our parliamentary leaders of any conduct that is rare, extraordinary, or unprecedented. Power is grateful, and few who have a fituation to preferve, are philofophically fcrupulous in employing the means, which are most eafy and effectual for their pui pofe. The foible is of human nature, and for that very reafon to human nature I would apply myfelf, and endeavour to Countera general infirmity, by principles of equally extenfive operation. The heads of the nation are fubjected to certain influences and interefts; let the mifguiding motives be removed, and the conduct of thofe whom they affect will receive a new direction, and through the land new fprings of action will be generally communicated. This is not a narrow or a palliative policy, but broad and fundamental, fuch as the exigency demands; and in analogy to the means, by which, when the heart is found, you feck to reclaim your friend, to rectifythe faults of habit, and the errors either of his education or his judgment. Reform the Irish House of Commons, and you have a democracy; the confequence is unavoidable, if the alteration be on any very capacious feale; and if it be not, the oligarchy is merely fhifted into other hands, without any acceflion to the popular inte reft from the transfer. Repeal the diftinguishing laws; good; but you cannot by your act of Parlia ment reach the fpirit of diftinction. The tenden cy [75] A cy to difunion will fubfift, with all the irritating circumstances that accompany that temper, fo long as these interests are preferved, which give to persons of the very firft influence in the land, a powerful inducement to encourage it. And they never will want a pretence; for whilft the lower people are wretched, they will be turbulent; and the name of a common religion will furnish the ground of jealous accufation against the Catholics of more improved condition. Interested men will circulate the charge, and selfishnefs and credulity will combine to fupply believers. Political parties will attach themselves as it may fuit their purpose, either to the fide of those who are unwilling to acknowledge a fuperior, or of thefe, who, with lefs appearance of propriety, refuse to admit an equal. It may be very defireable for party leaders to place themfelves at the head of the Catholics, but that body can never, to any material extent, be more than the footftool of fac tions; a fituation I fhould apprehend, neither enviable nor advantageous, and from which, he is their friend, who defires to rescue them: they are moft generally dependant, are most expofed to the abuse of power, and stand most in need of protection. What, although amidst fcrambles for authority, fome of that body might get within the precincts of the oligarchy. Catholic, or peafant, or by whatever name you please to call them, the people would not, therefore, be exonerated from the heavy hand of power. Perhaps you will tell me that this propenfity to division, is the inherent vice of free conftitutions. True it is fo; we are not therefore to encrease the causes of difference, in number and malignity. Without this inconvenience, we can have the fecure enjoyment of civil liberty, under the fanction and fuperintend ance of a popular affembly, with the advantage of representation, in my opinion, to an adequate ex tent; |