individuals, who compofe the British Parliament is fo extenfive, and so much connected with the fafety of the state, that they never will hazard to excite difcontents, upon motives of a petty and capricious disapprobation. I am therefore indifferent to the declarations which any man, or any minifter may make. I know the British Government is conducted upon principles of reason, and I can calculate how far reafon will go. From this light only one may with confidence. pronounce, that the Catholics will, on the Union eftablishment, obtain a total eligibility; and, what is more material to them, that until they do obtain it, they will have an exemption from vexatious jealoufies, and the practical enjoyment of the privi leges, which have already been conceded to them,

It

may equally be predicted, that in a collective capacity, the Catholic body will not be ad vanced to be a dominant party either in Church or State, because whilst the balance of property inclines against them, it would neither be necef fary, politic, nor defireable.

It may be right to explain, wherefore the Catholics cannot materially influence the Parliament, although they conftitute a majority of the popula.. tion. They are excluded from the boroughs by the Conftitution of them; and from the freedom of cities by the jealousy of themagiftrates.* You will per

haps

*The Catholics who are often freeholders, but feldom freemen, will have their due influence over the government, when the reprefentation is confined to counties, and counties of cities. And confidering how the members of that body are generally circumftanced, no event can be more favourable for them, than that the general importance of the order of freeholders fhould be augmented." To that order the Catholics belong, and there lies the entire force of their politcal influence. Now the influence of that claf's will encreate in proportion as the boroughs are diminished, and that the number of perfons becomes more imall who can get into Parliament, independent of the choice of frecholders.

[67]

haps afk of me, wherefore we were anxious to procure this franchise of fuffrage, of which the operation is fo much reftricted. Because though we cannot have great influence, it does not follow that we fhould have none at all. Because although a Catholic intereft is not any where fuperior, yet the individuals of that communion ought to have the full benefit of their refpective fituations. A Catholic tenantry will vote with their Protef tant landlord; but is it indifferent to them, that they, as well as their neighbours, are competent to confer that compliment?

The influence of the Catholics prevails principally in civil life: there indeed it is immense. Compofing very much the trading and induftrious portions of the community, they are concerned in the greater part of tranfactions through the kingdom. The bar, wholesale merchants, attornies, perfons engaged in money dealings, will always cultivate the favor of this part of the people. Now the relative importance of thefe defcriptions will generally rife in confequen c of an Union, and thofe, who will relatively de cline, are the perfons moft independent of thefe influences. The Proteftant Prelacy of Ireland have generally declared, that in the event of an Union, they could no longer imagine the interest of the establishment entrusted to their care, to be in any wife endangered, by the most liberal indulgence to the fubordinate communions. Is this fentiment no recommendation to perfons who wish to enjoy in peace the advantages of their country?

*

The

The clergy of all defcriptions appear to favour the project of an Inco porating Union, and really this coincidence of pérfons, who do not concur in any thing elfe, mukt appear a powerful recommendation.

The moftingenious arguments against admitting. the Catholics to political franchises, are o be found in the speech of Mr. Fofter, (the Speaker) in 1793: they follow very closely the reasoning of Lord Bolingbroke, against a Catholic Prince, in his letter to Sir William Windham. But the analogy com pletely fails; for as the prince is made for the peo ple, it is juftifiable to impofe on him a condition of conforming to their convenience; but it is abfurd to talk of making fuch terms with the people, for whofe accommodation and advantage the state exifts and was created. If you prove that a par ticular franchise cannot with propriety be entrusted to thofe inhabitants at large, who are obviously within its purview, the conclufion, in my mind is, to remove the matter of contention altogether; I should not think of forming a monopoly in favor of the few who chufe to appreciate highly their own fitnefs for the enjoyment,

Embellish it by whatever fplendid names you pleafe, the government of Ireland is an oligarchy. In the popular member of our conftitution, the weight of certain individuals is immenfe, and that of the people is inconfiderable. This bears materially upon the Adminiftration; for neither are the minifters of the Crown acted upon in any eminent degree by the influence of the people; nor have these the benefit of that impartiality among his fubjects, which muft be the natural feeling of every monarch. There is a controul indeed over the royal authority; but as it is almoft completely fevered from the public in tereft, it is neceffarily directed in its exercife by the private views, or at beft by the perfonal character of the individuals, who com

pofe

pofe it. A compromife is made, fuch as can only confift witha very irregular government, and which if it were not the refult of diforders in the ftate, muft eventually introduce them. The patronage and internal management of the country is given up to those who have power to do, what ufually is called the King's bufinefs; that is, to raise the fupplies, to preferve the British intereft and an uniformity between the two governments.

The confiderable members of the oligarchy are, by the nature of their fituation, rendered apprehenfive of a popular fpirit, and adverfe to the body of the people: it cannot be otherwife. When power is not bottomed upon hereditary prepoffeffion, popular favour, or the influence of property-the perfons, who hold it, must be fenfible that it is infecure, and that it is invidious.-They will feek to turn the popular mind from public to private confiderations. Men who have fuch urgent motives to promote competition, will faften with avidity upon any tendency to that temper. They will meet in their adherents, the greateft promptitude to fecond them in widening the breach; for a rivalfhip in emolument is as much apprehended by them, as a diminution of power by their fuperiors. The exclufive fpirit which they feek pretences of miftruft and jealousy to authorife, confirms their own exclufive title to preferment.† I have

*The only thing which the King cannot do in Ireland is to confer favour upon a certain defcription of his fubjects, and that defcription by far the moft numerous. What an outery, what an oppofition, when any kindness is intended to them! So that the Crown is here free in its power, but circumfcribed in its benignity-the very reverie of what is defigned by a popular controul on the Executive.

† Among the Proteftants who are removed from these inducements, and the Catholics of the fame rank, there has long appeared a tendency to an oblivion of their ancient differences; but the jealoufies of the former have been revived at different times artificially.

From

I have described the courfe of feelings, which like circumstances will produce in every country;

but

From the memorable meeting at Dungannon, to about 1785, this difpofition to harmony was very prevalent. The two def cription's difplayed equal zeal to refi the invafion we were then threatened with, and fhared together the Volunteer fervice. About this latter period the peafantry of Munfter, fell into commmotions on the old ground of tithes: publications immediately ifued from the prefs, ftuffed with af perfions on the religion and moral character of the Catholics; reprefenting them as a refractory, perfidious people, who were to be kept at the point of the fword from you. The expedient fucceeded. The paffions of the people were fet in motion, and the incipient harmony was broken up effectually. Another incident occurred lately. (I put out of the way the difpofition, the very prevalent anxiety to infinuate that every Catholic was a rebel, and to confound un eafinefs under the Popery laws, with hoftility to the conftitution.)

Doctor Caulfield, the Catholic Bishop of Ferns, had the misfortune to live in a county which was the scene of the late outrages. He, with those of his clergy whom he could collect about him, exerted all that influence, which in better times their function, and perfonal virtue had acquired, to refift the exceffes of an armed mob, and at the imminent peril of their lives, rescued many from maffacre. This was the conduct of christian clergymen; but it was a conduct, for which chriftian clergymen deferve every applause that can be bestowed upon a fublime discharge of duty; yet there are perfons so much mortified to perceive, that Roman Catholic ecclefiaftics have acted nobly, that books and paragraphs have been circulated, in order, by blackening the motives of thefe gentlemen, and detracting from their merit, to prevent this amiable and heroic conduct from making a fuitable impreffion on the minds of their fellow citi

zens.

There are many perfons now alive, who recollect, when it was very ufual to terrify the Protestants by reports of sham. plots, and even days were named, when the Catholics, it was afferted, were to rife and maffacre them. These artifices have fallen into difufe, fince the affairs of this country came to be more closely looked after by the British Administration; and fince the Government by Lords Juftices was difcontinued. Lord Townshend was the firft Viceroy who permanently refided, and in his attempts to break the arif tocracy, he found it expedient to bestow fome little counte nance on the fubordinate religion.