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luggefted a time for infurrediion,-and the intrigues of that government opened a probability of fuccour. But the agents of France bad nothing to create; they found a vigorous fpirit of infubordination. They found confidence circurnfcribed within narrow limits; the pale of property lb me-" what wider; but then, an immenfe gulph between the rich man and Lazarus, beyond the confines of which, no attachment to the Hate was known; no feeling but thofe of outlaw^ on a doubtful frontier. Let me induce you to afcertain the fadi, by paffing with me in a flight furvey of our modern hiftory.

From the clofe of the Revolution war, by the lurrender of Limerick, to the acceffion of George the Third, this country enjoyed, for near feventy. years, a ceffatioh of hoftilities; ho fterility; no ravages of famine, peftilence or enemy; ho afligriable caufe of backwardnefs, but what arofe from political circumflances. It is ufual to im

Eute a great deal to the commercial reftri&ions j ut how many diftricls are there, equal in fize to Ireland, in which no interchange of commodities is known beyond the rude produce of the earth ? And yet the boors or peasants are at peace with themfelves, and with' their. fuperiors, and Jive iri the coa'rfe comfort of ruftlc competence, and frmple civilization. Here feventy years of calm, only prepared the way for thirty-five years of , infurrection. There was iri Munfter an annual riling of White-Boys, from 1763, to 1776; whilft the propertied claffes were arrayed in arms, during the war of America, this other diforder ceafedin 1785, it again broke out by the name of Right-Boys. From about 1786, to a recent date, under the very nofe of Government, an open war was waged in the county

D of of Armagh* between Proteftants and Catholics', until the latter were completely rooted out, and fent through the land to diffeminate difaffe&ion againftthe government, which had permitted thefe exceffes. In 1792 and 1793 there was a rifing in Louth, Meath, Limerick, Rofcommon, Leitrim, Weitmeath; befides Hearts of Oak, and Hearts "fcf Steel, Peep of Day Boys, and Defenders, Uni^d-men and Orange-men. Were the example.^or the contagion, or the intrigues of f ranee* acceffary to thefe mifchiefs, thirty years before the revolution of Fiance was thought of? Our Parliament has undoubtedly never been niggard of remedial penalties : jubeo eum, (like Moliere's Dodor) faignereri, atque refaignereri. But no m preventative was enquired after. The difeafe recurred with unabated vehemence, and will never ceafe to recur, until the tenure of power be generally changed, and the obje&ionable occupants of fubordinate authority either varied, or coneded 'r and until the government be rendered ftrong in behalf of the neglected peafant, againft thofe who immediately interfere with him- I feel that details are invidious; let us avoid them by ftudying the cafe of our country in the analogies of other nations. Why have Greece and Italy degenerated?| Why does the Mameluke

, government

* From wh3t we know of the eondufcl of the Britiflj Houfe of Conimon«, could it be fuppofed that open hoftility fljould be carried on for months, battles publickly fiiHjht, and notices given- to, perlbns, under penalty of death, to quit their habiia'ions, in any territory, li.bjcfl to rts jurisdiction, without parliamentary invcfligrition and reijrefs?

f" Let us exemplify this matter by a more recent ehange, compare the Englilb of the prefent day with thofe under Henry III. Edward VI. J/Ury anc' Elizabeth. This people, now fo fiumanc, indulgent, learned, free, and indubious, fuch lovers' of the arrs and philolophy, were then nothing more than a na~ tion of (Vaves, inhuman and fuperfticious, without art?, and with*out induftrj."—Heh ctiu.'s Treatife to Wan.

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government in Egypt produce the moft wretched, fubje$sin the world? From thefe you may pafs ro another queftion of as eafy folution, Why Is the credulity of the Irifh open to receive impreflions1 frbm every impoflor who promifes to improve their cireumftances? Why are they fo ready to exclaim—we may, profit, bat we cannot Suffer from a flate of turbulence? . .

Summary jurifdi&ion has crept upon us,, until at lerlgth, the trial by jury is universally fufpended. To what extent the arbitrary discretion of magiftrates is permitted, let thofe bills declare, by which they are indemnified and re-indemnified. We havd peopled the navy with malcontents; we have colonized with them the outcaft fettlement of New-Holland; we now call in the aid of Pruffian discipline to their correction: merely to keep the veffel of the State afloat, We have been contained to throw over board the moft ufeful and valuable effects. As to the neceffity of thefe measures, take concefiions the moll ample, they only tend to Strengthen my argument. The partition is flenderbetween Governments who voluntarily employ force, and thofe to whofe exiftence force has become effential. I admit, that come whence it may, the fanaticifm of revolution was to be re, prefled with vigour. My argument and my conclusions' run in a very different direction. You do not wiih to govern by violent means, but lb completely are the fubjefls alienated from your government, that thefe means are not to be difpenfed with. Then in the name of commOn fenfe, is this the eulogium of the principles upon which our Hate is constituted ?* Is it to fta'nd on this foun

D 2 dation i

* In a very judicious pamphlet on this fttbjeft, under the title of " A Friend to Ireland." 1 have noticed an argument, which tray acquire foaie currency from ths manner in which it is put,


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dation? Great Britain has been affailedby the fame epidemic rage for innovation; yet fhehas not been conftrained to alter the landmarks of her conftitution; a well afforted distribution of powers preferved the popularity of her government. Power is not judkioufly balanced in this kingdom, and popularity never was fought for; enquire of that comprehenfive chain of disabilities that runs through your ftatute book, whether the favor of the people was ever efteemed or cultivated by the men who regulated this ifland. Aik it of your annals.


but when examined, will be found to make againft the caufe it it employed to vindicate. The author touches us on a point, where we ought to he fenfible; the adminiftration of juftice. He compares theconduft of the Britifh Parliament, on the complaint made of the fentence againft Mr. Muir, Mr. Gerald, and others, convi£ted of fedition, with the proceedings of the Irifli Houfe in the matter of the Fiats iflued againlt Mr. Magee, and, the exhorbitant bail required of him. In the former cafe, the? Judge, be fays, was applauded, in the latter only " not cenfured."

In the Scotch caufe, the judges were vindicated, as aftingin flri£t conformity to the law of the land, and the Houfe of Commons fanfiioned their proceeding. In the Irilb cafe, no perfoiv ventured to utter a fyliable in defence of the judge,' and nevertheless he came off with impuninity.. The proceed in? in Scotland, rarber refembled. the attachment caufe againft Mr. Stephens Reilly, which came into Parliament, and■ was defended there on controverted authorities. There vere other complaints made, before the cate of Magee, againft tthe administration of juftiee, but I do not find that the magifgrates incurred cenfure. At prefent we hear no murmur of diffatifattion or. this head, thanks to the fortunate feleftion of judges, wh'ch is not a parliamentary prerogative.

Now, let me fay one word, for the different execution of the law in both countries. Here, it generally requires an armed force to take a poffeffion under legal authority. The j^e.-t Douglas caufe, both on account of the rank of the parties; aid the t'alue of the eftate,-created the mod univerfal intereft thiough Scotland. When the houfe of Peers made its decifion,the decree of poffeffion was carried into effect by the Sheriff unacorr.p.nied. , . s

It was not until after the Union-, that the ufe of torture ia Sculand was abolifhed by the united legiflature.

The reprefenting body has lived near a century in open hoftility with the reprefented, andexhaufted againfl them the whole artillery of penal legiflation. To my mind, the inference is irrefiftible

arofe under thefe difadvantages.

Which right of an Iiifh citizen will be abridged, which will ceafe to flourifh, in confequence of an incorporating Union with Great Britain? Not the. trial by jury. Not the privilege of free inveftigakm. Not the fecurity of perfon and property. .Let me put it to the confcience of any man, who is pleafed to beftow a moment's notice on thefe remarks, will the fcheme of government they recommend, interfere in the moll remote degree with his comforts, with his means of induftry, and with his independence? Will it impofe, mould the meafuretake effect, fubferviency on any individual? Will he be lefs than he now is, mafter of his thoughts, or of his actions, of his pride, or of his property? Certain Gentlemen do not chpofe to forego their parliamentary fituations, and others wifh .to keep the avenue open for their ambition. Of all others, it is ungracious in thofe, who never winced at coercive feverities, to oppofe a meafure offered as the bafis of conciliation, and as the jneans to prevent in future the lamentable neceuity of thefe examples.

I am aware that fome of my opinions may be liable tomifconftru&ion, and in a political cont.overfy one is not to expect candour in every critic. Perhaps I fhall be reprefented as dilpofed to pal Hate the late rebellion, or to impute the blame of it, to either the executive, or fuperintending branches of government. Nothing can be further from my intention. I do not mean to blame either the prefent, or the late, or any particular Parliament; neither do I impute any where a de


of political eftablifhment, that


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