our controul, and entirely within that of the fif ter nation. She is enabled to employ the direct influence of his negative, and his indirect influence, as difpenfer of the public patronage, and (equal in importance to either prerogative) his fituation as reprefentative of the community, in order to restrict our independence within the limits fhe prescribes to it. How does this fettered functionary resemble the reprefentative of a fovereign people? Whilft it fits upon incapacities and confifcations, how can Parliament pretend to juftify its rights, by a popular, or national title? What, belide a deference for legal and prefcriptive. establishments, can render palatable fuch reprefentative fictions as Harristown or Clogher? Numberlefs queftions of this kind might be propofed without the poffibility of obtaining a fatisfactory reply, from thofe who pretend to trace the prerogative of parliament to a higher origin than municipal regulation:-you cannot carry the claim one ftep farther back, without fetting up King James's parliament, which was declared to be a treasonable meeting; and the Affembly of Confederates at Kilkenny, who forfeited their eftates, for acting, in virtue of an unequivocal delegation of the people. Our own deeds, over and over again, bar our claim to imperial fplendor. We never looked upon the fceptre, but to declare our incompetence to wield it: We refigned the lofty *Thofe writers, who have treated of the connexion between Great-Britain and Ireland, with temper and good fenfe, and not in the wild rant of declamatory fpeculation, admit that the great queftions of peace and war, religion, commerce and revenue, ought to be finally fettled to the fatisfaction of Great Britain. (See pamphlet by Richard Jebb Elq. pages 24 and 25) Now, it appears to me, that if a feparate Parliament be good for any thing, it fhould exift for the purpose of giving confequence to Ireland in thefe very deliberations. [ 27 ] lofty pretenfion, when we furrendered to King Henry II.-We refigned it more fully and formally in the reign of Henry VIII. when we enacted that whofoever reigned in England, and under whatfoever colour, fhould of courfe, be the fovereign of Ireland. Thus admitting, that the line of fucceffion might poffibly be interrupted by a title differing from that of direct defcent; and in the fame moment, renouncing any right of option, enquiry or difcrimination. The arrangement of 1782, merely went to remove a concurrent jurifdiction of the British and Irish Parliaments. It made no alteration in the rights of the British Crown, to the obedience of the Irish people. A ftrong illustration of this law of Henry VIII, and in exact conformity to its doctrine, was the cafe of Ireland under James II. That Prince fucceeded to a long line of ancestors; he had, of course every claim that could be derived from the moft obvious of our prejudices. Although his adminif tration might have difgufted the people of England, the Irish could not be difpleafed with his measures, for the means did not affect them, and the end coincided with their fentiments- Far from abdicating the Crown of Ireland, he came into the realm and challenged the protection of his fubjects. The entire authority of the state was poffeffed by his officers. A parliament, by election at least as free, by national concurrence at leaft as popular, as any that ever fat in Ireland, very deliberations. When these points are waved, matters of internal regulation alone remain, and here it is that the Irish Parliament is moft liable to error, on account of the partial bias under which it acts; fo that Mr. Jebb proposes to furrender thofe prerogatives of Parliament, which might poffibly be useful, and which certainly give an air of dignity. And he would preferve functions, the exercise of which has been leaft beneficial, moft reprehenfible and most obnoxious. . [ 28 ] very warmly efpoufed his caufe, and a people almost unanimous, took up arms to defend it. On the other hand was King William, invited to govern by aprivate deputation of English noblemen; confirmed on the throne not even by an English parliament, but by a convention of eftates, and the doubtful acquiefcence of the people. He claimed the crown, under an appointment on which Ireland was not confulted; to which,. far from concurring, fhe gave every teftimony of diffatiffaction; yet the Irish, prefuming to refift loyalty thus acquired, and exercised in despite and contempt of their opinion, their refiftance was treated as rebellion, and punished by a very extenfive confifcation. In the glory of that empire, of which Ireland conftitutes a most effential member, there are many things to infpire a generous pride, an elevated confcioufnefs of dignity; but when you detach the pride of feparated Ireland from the aggregate fund of honour in which the entire ftate participates, I am obliged to ask, where can an Irifhman caft his eyes to feek for the evidence of his national dignity? We chose a monarch, he was expelled; we chofe a religion, it was proftrated; and adherence to the one or to the other, was animaverted on by heavy penalties. With what prodigality was the ancient blood of Ireland thed? With what vindictive profufion was the proprietary body diffipated? Was it, that they betrayed the dignity of Ireland? No; for they were the Ireland of their day. But because, prepoffeffed with this very diftinctness, they endeavoured to affume the port of an integral people, affociated, but not blended, whofe will, expreffed feparately from that of England, was entitled to fome deference; and in purfuance, of this opinion, they thwarted the favourite meafures of the empire: And had those who capitu lated lated with the Crown of England fewer and inferior rights, than perfons who came in under that power, and were planted and nurfed by it into opulence? Or do gentlemen claim by a Tartar tranfmigration, to inherit the pretenfions of the men whom they destroyed? It is not decent, to propound tenets as legitimate now, which were deemed unlawful when held by the Abori gines of the land. The ancestors of the forfeiting Irish might indeed be prefumed to have made terms, for their fettlement was antecedent to the royal title: upon popular notions, what befide compact with them could give a colour to that title? Admit the Irish to be a feparate people in right of what are called first principles, to which you oppofers of the Union, have become fo fond of reforting, and upon which, you imagine the prerogative of diftinct legiflation ftands, as on a rock, eternal and inviolate; you will then perceive to what abfurdities we are betrayed, when we travel beyond pofitive inflitutions. If Britain be an alien power, if the King's fubjects of the fifter ifland be foreigners, there is not a tenable eftablishment in the country. All the proceedings I have recited, the fpoliation of property included, were tyrannical and unjuft, and ought to be refcinded. But we are not a feparate people, but a part of the British aggregate; fuch are we in the eyes of the world, and fuch are we rendered by thefe fundamental laws, which far from difturbing, you propose to cherish; and the adherents of the profcribed establishments in Church and State, were a minority of the empire. The prefent forms of Ireland cannot be defended upon any other conftruction. The conftitution of your ftate, even the titles of your lands, are documents of this fact, that Ireland is actually but a branch of the undivided Empire, Whilft I write, a law is on its way through Parliament, to fupply fupply, what is fuppofed (able lawyers fay erro neoufly, and the fpirit of the inftitution fupports their affertion) to be an omitted cafe in the catalogue of conceffions. By this bill, in cafe the station of regent of thefe realms fhould at any time become neceffary, the nomination is exclu fively conferred upon the British Parliament. Oblerve, that to confirm a Regent is a parliamentary function, and the Irish Houfe of Commons, who refufe to be mixed with the reprefentatives of Britain, muft here admit their body to be an improper depofitary of this prerogative. I do not notice with difapprobation any act that binds, or affects to bind the fifter nations to each other. But I ground upon this avowal, an argument against the propriety of preferring a fepa rate, to an United Legiflature, when it must be admitted, that the former can, only by its facrifi ces, reconcile its exiftence with that of the Empire. I ground an argument upon it of the abfurdity of cherishing that tribunal, as a piece of national importance, which gentlemen acknowledge, unfit to exercife the high prerogatives for which it demands our reverence. I fee no paramount or pre-eminent token of confideration, referved: to Ireland except the droit de potence," which is, in truth, poffeffed in ample plenarty. And as I cannot difcover, that our national dignity is advanced, by being governed by the poffeffor of the English Crown, and a feparate legiflature;' neither can I admit, that we should be debased, by the rule of the fame prince, and a general delegation from every quarter of the empire. I have endeavoured to argue this question, with a view *The right of inflicting capital punifament, teflified of a gibbet ftanding on the manor, called " le droit de po tence", was an high fource of pride to the barons on the Continent |