( 21 ) powers of our day, were in embrio. Spain and Germany had fcarcely introduced themselves to the acquaintance of thefe regions; and Italy would have been as little known, but that it happened to be the refidence of the Pope, and the center of religious correfpondence. France and Flanders were split into as many diftin&t principalities as there are fovereignties in modern Europe. Let it not wound the pride of Ireland to hear an hiftorical fact repeated, which, in her ancient condition, and in the circumftances of this quarter of the globe, was inevitable: and which, as an Irishman, I fhould pause to lament, if the moft idle of all things were not fuperfluous and unavailing regret at accidents we cannot redrefs, and at the lot, however hard, that Providence affigned to us. A remote country, not naturally very potent, but rendered eminently feeble by internal distractions, was neither cultivated nor confidered by foreign princes; we did not, of course, establish a foundation for future notice; and when the commerce of ftates became more perfect, our nationality, with refpect to them, was merged in that of England. The common, Sovereign naturally reprefented his entire domninion. We do not attend to internal rules between Denmark and Norway, or to the provincial policy of all thofe regalities that conftitute the Spanish monarchy. We do not take the trouble to difcriminate the king of Bohemia from the king of Hungary, or either independent fovereign from the Archduke of Auftria. In like manner, the potentates who perceive in George the Third, a complete competence to maintain the relations of fovereignty, witneffed by his capacity to preferve his royal faith, and avenge in others the breach of their engagements, never caft their eyes beyond the Court of St. James's, [22] James's, to learn by what customary inftruments of authority, he fixes the obedience of his fubjects. The public law of Europe recognizes no fuch ftate as independent Ireland; whilst the rights and poffeffion of our executive government, are infeperably annexed to the British Crown, it cannot recognize us otherwife than as an undifcriminated portion of that monarchy. The ftate is reprefented by the prince; it is from their relation to him, and not to Parliament, that individuals dérive refpect and confideration among foreigners. Europe took no notice of the ftates of Guelderland and Friefland, yet thefe and the other members of the Batavian confederacy were perfectly fovereign and independent among themfelves; infomuch, that in the dispute in 1796, relative to the privileges of the Stadholderate, they were at war with each other: fome were in alliance, and others at enmity with the King of Pruffia, in his invafion. We only confidered the States General, the executive Government by whom the Republic was reprefented. Thefe feparate jurifdictions are now broken down into a fingle reprefentative Government; ftill our eyes are fixed on the head of the ftate, we perceive in this refpect, no diminution of dignity among it's members. So the British ftate is divided into two feparate. jurifdictions of legiflation, as it is into three of jurifprudence. Thefe are municipal conventions which regard only the parties. They were inftituted to fuit local convenience; and upon a different fenfe of that convenience, they may, and ought to be new modified. By the fame reafon that there are two, there might be twenty diftinct councils of legiflation, and the motives which in 护 duce [ 23 ] duce us to abridge the number to two, extended a little further may evince, that we fhould be more juftly governed by a fingle Parliament. The nature and effence of the connexion would not change upon an Union establishment, although the terms fhould be somewhat varied; and as to rank, and dignity, and importance, we have none without the circle of the monarchy; we have no claims in that refpect, but as againft Great Britain, our co-eftate, our equal and co-member; and I call upon any man to fhew how the relation of thefe nations to each other, would be altered by an Union. The degree of ftrength and resource, which each part contributes to the common stock is the real ground, upon which it can expect to be confidered. Limited, as our independence is, to a certain fphere of action, will you feriously tell me that we are more refpectable, because the fyftem of our Union is a fhade or two more intricate? Although as to each other, Great Britain and Ireland are diftinct provinces, in the contemplation of mankind, they already form an incorporated state, under a fingle bead, with all the external appearance of an united people. Our common prince leads us, at his difcretion, to war and peace, with an entire conjun&tion of intereft; he acts and regulates jointly for us, and fupports in our mutual behalf, all the offices of good and bad neighbourhood. The united Irifhmen proposed to introduce this ifland into the world, in the new character of a substantive Government. I reject and reprobate their defign, with feelings fuch as might be expected to arife in the bofom of an Englishman; if a scheme were propounded to revive, under a republican There were formerly, in either kingdom, two houfes of convocation. Why were thefe affemblies difcontinued? from motives of convenience, to check the growth of faction and avoid the mifchief of fo many deliberative councils. republican form, any denomination of the Heps tarchy. It is too late, at the end of 600 years, to look out for new relations and dependencies. Blended in races, by the intercommunity of that fpace of time; affimilated in manners, in cuftoms, and in language, it is now too late to difturb the throne of King George with the antiquated dignity of King Roderic. But then, the abettors of this plan have fomething to hold by, in their argument for independence; whilft, to ufe the words of our act of Parliament," the Crown of Ireland is infeparably knit to the Imperial Crown of England," our mouths are closed; this land can have no place or influence in the world, except what belongs to it as a member of the empire. The confpirators were aware of this difficulty, and they attacked the law, the parlia ment, and the conftitution. They were perfuaded that your veftry, or grand jury parliament, is a falfe foundation of grandeur; and, as national elevation was their object, or pretence, they quite confiftently aimed at the establishment of an appropriate, oftenfible government, to maintain our confequence with alien powers. They fet up against the entire conftitution, those rights which you oppofe only to fuch parts as do not fuit your purpose. The Gallican innovators reafoned juftly enough upon falfe premises: if that pride of nationality, which the politicians of your fchool affert only againft Great-Britain, were neceffary to national happinefs; if the vanity of holding a rank among ftates, was either a wife, a falutary, or a juft purfuit; then, the means, which thefe perfons pointed out, and thefe only, ought to be adopted. On your principles, without the dignity of being a feparate ftate, we have all the inconvenience of being a feparated people. It is mere delufion, mere credulity to ap prchend prehend that this kingdom ftands more high in general eftimation, by reafon of the bye-laws of it's connection with a people, at the diftance of 60 miles; fubjects of the fame prince, in the fame right and with the fame intereft. The definition of our political establishment is, a qualified fovereignty, vefted in an affembly, which may be a wife and virtuous fenate, but cannot pretend to be a popular delegation. From the law and ufage of the empire it derives a right to bind the fubjects of this land. This is the beginning and the end of it's jurifdiction; and all the tokens and evidences of its conftitution are not imperial, but municipal. If fupreme, in the fenfe that vanity fuggefts, why may we not act against any power we think fit? why not freely make contracts with any ftate? why in either cafe, do we permit the duty of British connexion to bar or trammel our prerogative? We are bound by affection. Then indeed, it was merely to check the devious wander. ings of the heart, that the kingdom has reeked with blood from the gibbet and the whipping poft. I am warranted in affirming, that Ireland is not legally or practically competent to make any affumption of authority which may be inconvenient to Great Britain. The vote of either, or of both Houfes of Parliament, would not protect a man from the penalties of high treason, who prcceeded to Paris under that fan&tion, to negociate with the Convention. We have no Irifh jurifdiction with which any foreigner would treat unless he proposed to foment rebellion; no individuals whofe execution, for the very crime of confederating with him against the British Crown, he could refent as an infraction of fettled law and juftice. Our Third Eflate is, by fundamental provifion, which we cannot alter, placed beyond C Our |