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thofe of other men with whom fate has dealt more kindly. Whilft the adjacent nations were refolving into civilized habits, what has been the government of Ireland, but a perpetual fcuffle between the state and the people? And in that conteft it might have continued to waste its ftrength for ever, if the British government had not interfered with views very different from those of our domeftic rulers. The feceffion of America, firft rendered it effential to concentrate the remaining powers of the empire. This inducement awakened, in the British government, towards the clofe of the laft war, a difpofition to attach the people of Ireland to the ftate, and led to the first relaxation of the laws against the Catholics, which, like every fubfequent measure of the kind, was extorted by the Crown from a reluctant ariftocracy. The government was too intelligent not to perceive, that however acceptable to that body, it would not promote the caufe of general vigour and refource to rule this land by force, and in oppofition to the genius of the people. + Minif

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"Nature," fays an elegant and admired author, never made an unkind creature. Ill ufage and bad habits have deformed a fair and lovely creation."-STERNE.

By laws, enacted in the reign of Queen Anne, the Catholics of Ireland, which is another name for the people, were as to franchifes, political influence and power, reduced to the fituation of women and children; and as to property, they could acquire no beneficial intereft in land, for even on the leafeholds, which they were permitted to enjoy, the refervation of a full rent was ftipulated. This conftitutes a degree of difcountenance equal to that which aliens incur, where alienage is least favored.

The natural confequence of this arrangement, was to form the nation into two cafts; a minority, the favourites of the flate, who poffeffed all the authority, and influence, and emolument; a majority, the mere objects of power, unprivileged and outcaft. I am warranted in calling this a government against the genius of the people.

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About twenty years ago, that part of the fyftem, which related to property was abandoned, próbably on account of the inducements ftated in the text, but certainly the confequence was an immenfe acceffion to the capital and induftry of the country, which is moft unfairly fet down to the account of the vigilance of Parliament. Catholics, who acquired property abroad, fettled in Ireland, and others laid out their money at home, who would have emigrated.

Still all the avenues to honor, emolument, and politica! influence were interdicted, and thefe conceffions on the fide of property, (although they otherwife benefited the nation,) as they turned men's thoughts from an afylum in foreign countries, led them to fpeculate more minutely on the inconvenience of their fituation at home. I take it to have been one of the wildest projects that ever occurred to any perfon, to fuppofe that this country might be made to flourish with fuch an obvious provocation to difcontent. But fome ftatefmen imagine, that things go on very fmoothly, if they are ftrong enough to fupprefs or prevent rebellion. It never occurs to them that a nation, like an individual, may languifh under bad management, and that a ftate muf be robuft, to ftruggle with the buffettings of thefe times we are placed in.

A further conceffion was made about fix years fince, in confe quence of ftrong reprefentations offered on the part of the Catholics to his Majefty. But this favour was fo warmly difputed, that it revived animofities through the country, or fharpened them where they appeared to have been dormant. And the conceffion was in fome (and thefe very principal) parts, more nominal htan real. For the weight of Parliamentary intereft is fo ftrong against the Catholics, that after all, they participate as little as Aǝt in fituations of influence or advantage.

I apprehend that it is the intereft of Ireland to bring the parties nearer to a state of equality than they are at prefent, which can only be effected by a change in the conftitution of Parliament. Augment the importance of the counties and diminish that of the clote boroughs. The Church establishment is fecured by England; it has, moreover, the balance of property on its fide. The object is to put man and man upon a level in the affairs of civil life. This appears preferable to the policy of raifing up one party against another.

Another circumftance, which operates more immediately against the repofe of this land, and to which I fhall have cccafion to recur

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fucceed by improving the circumftances of the people. Next came the conflict with France, which exemplified at once the infufficiency of the means hitherto employed, and the urgent neceffity of binding us to the commonweal, and to each other, by a more impreffive feeling of affection and intereft. The feuds of the Irish were to be plucked up by the roots. The fyftem that cherished these contentions was to be abandoned.

Whilft to every man out of Ireland, the objects of our domeftic altercations were contemptible, the condition of this kingdom, of Britain, and of Europe, has given the most alarming afpect to their confequences. Elevated above the confiderations of a selfish, or a local nature, which fway individuals in this ifland, the councils of the Sovereign contemplated the mischief in its full extent and in the fpirit of a wife and benignant discharge of duty, the crown propofes a plan of adjustment to compofe the difference for ever; the project is not to be liftened to:No, let us rather truft the repofe of our country to accident, or to romance; the diftinctness of Parliament is not to be impaired; we muft not forego the pride of independence! To all this fustian it may be replied, that to facrifice your comfort to your pride is folly. Parliament is but one of the forms of the conftitution, the end of which, and the end of independence, is focial happiness;

again, is the habit of fufpecting the members of the fubject religion. They were very properly fuppofed to be attached to the houfe of Stuart after the Revolution, but, ever fince every difpofition to that attachment muft have ceafed, people are unwilling to admit that there is not fome other actuating principle of difaffection. It is worthy of remark, that there is no other project on foot, which aims, or profeffes to aim at fuppreffing the feuds of the Irith prople. Those who oppofe the Union, defire us to go on in the old way, that is, laying the foundation of disturbances in bad polity, and repreffing them by fanguinary executions.

happiness; and both good fenfe, and patriotism enjoin, to vary the means, if they do not corref pond to their destination.

What in truth is the extent of this independence? and how far does it justify the pride and pretenfions that are built upon it? It may not be irrelevant to beftow a few lines upon this enquiry. Do not expect that I fhall allow you the choice of weapons, that has been generally made on this occafion; this double game of two conftitutions, one for use, and one for argument; one which we wield against Great-Britain, whilft wee fmite with the other our own prefuming population. I must fix you to that conftitution, which we have been enrolled together to protect, and which confifts with our fubmiffion to the legal eftablishments, to the British crown and empire. I prefume you will willingly circumfcribe yourself within these limits. If Ireland does really maintain the port and figure of an independent ftate, nothing less than irremediable abuse in the conduct of public affairs, can juftify the facrifice of national dignity. The deed admits of no alternative:-It is fuggefted by the moft generous feel. ings of enlightened patriotifm, by pious fenfibility, and unbiaffed difcernment; or elfe, it is prodigal and profane, and to be feverely reprehended. If the pride of place, reflected from the nation to the individual, elevates and invigorates the character of the people; if they are well protected, comfortable, and contented; what Switzerland was, with fome defects in its political arrangements but what it now has ceafed to be; then he is a base traitor who, even by his fpeculation, would interrupt the enviable enjoyment. We shall confider how that feparatenefs of legiflature, commonly called the independence of Ireland, operates externally as to rank, and internally

nally as to happiness. It will be incumbent on me to justify the opinion I have formed, by riping our conftitution of the falfe plumage, in which, for this occafion, false patriotism dreffes it; and I hope to fhew that Ireland, in order to be prac. tically free, ought to be incorporated with Greatgritain. An Act of Union, framed as we are authorised to expect, will prove to the people a fireat charter of civil liberty. To every other gde I look in vain for a confolatory perfpective. Our prefent ftate of connexion, is indeed, fubferviency. If we agree to confider ourfelves blended with our fellow citizens of Britain in a community of privileges and pretenfions, we of courfe ftand as equals. If we reft upon the capacity of a separate, but confederated people, whilft the confederacy fubfifts, we are neceffarily inferior. Under the fame head, the state of Ireland will ever be fubfervient to the state of Britain; but let the ftates be united, and between the subjects refident in either, locality cannot make an bumiliating difference. If fubfervient, you will reply, we are fo by our own forms. may be be very well for the few, (for they are but few) who draw advantages from contributing to this accommodation; I do not fee how it can favourably affect the public. Upon these questions I must invite you to decide. Was Ireland at any time decorated with the conftitution that is now fet up? At this hour do we fubftantially enjoy

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In the infancy of the prefent European fyf tem, it was the fate of Ireland, (whether on an happy or unpropitious moment, it is now too late, and befide the prefent queftion, to enqure) to be attached to the fortunes of the fifter ifland. At that period, there was little intercourfe even between contiguous ftates. The great continental

powers

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