lutary change? Suppofe the delegated oligarchy of Berne thought fit to abdicate, are its hands tied up? By thefe doctrines, an abuse with a popular alpect is entailed for ever; unless perhaps in cafe of a total revolution; for no one can fuppofe that the United Irishmen would confider themselves bound by our actual conftitution.

The only queftion that can poffibly arife is this, which is the measure of Union good or evil for the country? If the former part of the alternative be the truth, that there exifts no power competent to effect it, is a propofition contrary to common fenfe, and muft therefore be rejected.

The power, which a man has over his own existence, may ferve to illuftrate the capacity of a fovereign jurifdiction to make engagements for its extinction. The law of morality does not allowfuicide; but if it be neceffary to hazard one's life, the act is juftified by the end. A man may not fhoot himself capricioufly; but he may go upon a mine, with a certainty of being blown up, and if he faves an army by expofing himfelf, his conduct is heroifm.

2

4

It has been obferved with great triumph, that without a refident parliament, we should have loft the advantage of its activity, in counteracting the late confpiracy. Iapprehend the merit of detecting and baffling the plots carried on by the French party in Ireland, belongs appropriately to the executive department. Documents and evidence were laid before Parliament, and fuch parts as were judged proper were given to the public. The Houfe of Commons overturned the rebellion, precifely as a grand jury, when it finds of indictment, breaks a combination of murderers. The Report would have been alike folemn,

a bill

folemn, alike authentic, and alike valuable, if it had proceeded from a committee of the Privy Council.

Whether the arrangement of 1782 was intended to be final, is a question, on which I fhould never have beftowed a thought, had it not happened to have conftituted the main support of Mr. Foster's celebrated argument. There can be little doubt, that the British Parliament must have very fincerely wished to be at eafe on the head of Irish politics. Equally muft we admit, that the Parlia ment of Ireland would have feen with great good will, its influence accepted by the people. The Parliament promised luftily; but no circumstance can go more directly to prove, that the connegion of opinion between the Parliament and people of Ireland is weak, than this very fact, that the addreffes Mr. Fofter cites, were paffed very unanimoufly by Parliament, and yet the ink was fcarcely dry upon them when new murmurs arofe, and rival delegations were convened, and hoftile agreements against England entered into, and Parliament was obliged to call upon the force of the state for its protection. Lord Northington trod in fteps of the Duke of Portland; his reign was far from a calm. The Duke of Rutland, to the affair of the Propofitions, had the fupport of the patriots of 1782, and of the present day; ftill his adminif tration was, during that interval, among the most turbulent we have ever experienced. Does Mr. Fofter fuppofe that difcontents are immaterial, unlefs they exift within the circle of Parliament? Does he forget the very nature of thofe difcuffions over which he prefides? Every debate in Parliament is an appeal from the decision of the Houfe to the feelings or the paffions of the people.

I fhall add one more to thefe defultory obfervations. I have seen a queftion in print, and I have

heard

heard it in private converfation. What! fome perfons exclaim, do you fuppofe there is that magic in a scroll of parchment, that it can draw the bonds of connexion ftrait. Gentlemen forget that undervaluing the fcroll of Union, they cry up the scroll of annexation. One piece of parchment is just as valuable as the other. They defcribe fyftems of very different operation, and in that confifts the diverfity. I prefume, that the real fubftance of either plan of government is the manner in which it is likely to affect the public feeling. The annexation fyftem implies the government of a party. If the management of the country after an Union be on principles of general good and protection, this form will create more firm attachment, and prove a more fure bond of connexion.

CONSTITUTIO NAL

OBJECTIONS,

-do smo odlom, L &c. &c.

eg jo tokiouLETTEROL Ramones

TH HE fenfible obfervations which you did me the honour to make on my MEMOIRE, and the candid and liberal turn of your expreffions and fentiments, impofed on me a duty which I have long defired to discharge. I owed an explanation of opinions, which, however formed upon full reflection, were rather haftily delivered; I owed a reply to the ftile of polished animadverfion in which you oppofed me. Motives of convenience, and other confiderations of merely private import, interfered with my intention; but the delay has not, to my feelings, been unproductive of gratification and advantage. We have reached a moment when an amicable controverfy may with the greatest freedom and facility be maintained. The decifion of Parliament has reduced the matter of our difference to a fpeculative queftion on the welfare of the country. it to be a true, but certainly not a felf-evident propofition, that an Union with Great Britain is that remedial change, which is peculiarly adapted to the disorders of the Irish ftate, and which thefe diforders do feem to indicate. With feelings fimilar to thofe you exprefs, I too, fome time back, fhould have revolted at the propofal to fup

I hold

prefs

[10]

prefs the diftinct legislature of Ireland. There is fomewhat fascinating in the matter of public pride, however remote, indeed however fanciful the share one may be fuppofed to bear in it, which fully accounts for the repugnance of many eftimable perfons to entertain the project. It is an alteration of very great magnitude, which merits to be coolly explained, and deliberately investigated. The increased activity of the enemy requires to be counteracted by new combinations and new expedients. If his power covers an extent of territory which we cannot hope, and do not defire to emulate, it is for us to confolidate ourftrength, as the most effectual mode of refiftance. But the circumstances, which imprefs the measure upon my mind with moft forcible recommendation, are, firft, the feries of events which in the space of five years have paffed before us; and next, the reflections that arife upon a view of the, condition and profpects of the country. A credulous people, the eafy dupe of artful politicians, readily enlifted in contefts for power that do not regard them: the waving of an hand fufficed to ftir up the principles of difference; and that difference thewed itfelf malignant to a de-, gree that one never could have calculated. Shall it be deemed unwife to circumfcribe the fphere of acrimonious and unprofitable disputes, and to protect the land from their baneful confequence? This question is to be examined difpaffionately; and I must rejoice in an opportunity of juflifying and enforcing my opinions to you, and to thofe friends who may be induced to confider them, uninterrupted by any tendency to the warmth, which the moit calm are difpofed to feel, when an irrevocable determination is at hand, very adverse to the prejudices they have been used

to cherish.

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