promise from government that the persons so mentioned should not in any event be prosecuted capitally; and also that the prisoners should consent to emigrate to such country as to his majesty should seem meet. The letter likewise stated, that unless the information communicated by the prisoners should be important, government would not consider itself bound by the agreement. These new terms were inadmissible, and were unanimously rejected. At the same time, it was manifest that if any thing could be effected, it must be done by directly treating with the head of the government. For this purpose the prisoners, after some intercourse permitted and had between the different prisons, unanimously appointed as agents to negotiate on their behalf, Messrs. Emmet, O'Connor and Mac Neven. Lest there should be any indelicate appearance towards Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Dobbs was requested to communicate to his lordship the wish of the prisoners, that their deputies should have liberty to wait on Lord Corn. wallis, or on him. The next morning, July the 29th, they were. sent for to the castle of Dublin, where they had an interview with his Lordship, the Chancellor Lord Clare, and Mr. Secretary Cook. The discussion between those ministers and the deputies turned on the following points:

1st. Lord Castlereagh revived to the deputies the proposal of disclosing the names of their associates; but would engage that they should be exempted from prosecution. It was observed to him that, if he meant to press this condition, it was needless to proceed, that there could be no treaty with such a clause; on which it was entirely dismissed.

The second point related to the confidence to be placed in each other's engagements. When the deputies expressed doubts as to the execution of the agreement on the side of the government, since their part of it must be first performed, "Gentlemen," said the Lord Chancellor, "it comes to this-ye must trust to us, or we must trust to you: but a government that

would

would break its faith with you, could not stand, and ought not to be allowed to stand.”—The government did afterwards break its faith, and incurred the Chancellor's sentence. At last it was settled as a matter of sacred honour to act on both sides with good faith, and up to the spirit of the compact. Agreeably to the principles which led the deputies to negotiate, they insisted, in the next place, on a general amnesty for all that had been done on account of the Union. The ministers, on their part, would not consent to make this a specific article, lest, as they said, the people should thank the deputies of the United Irishmen for it, and not the administration. But as on this point principally turned the negotiation, they gave the deputies the most solema assurance, that it was the intention of government, if enabled so to do by its agreement with them, to let no more blood be shed except in cases of deliberate murder, or conspiracy to murder. It was answered, that there was no wish to stipulate for persons coming properly under that description, provided that in it were not included those who had killed others only in the field of battle. In this sense, and with only the exception of deliberate murderers, if any such there were, the article was concluded. As the deputies had now secured all that was essential, they were content to leave to the ministry the popularity of the measure, especially as that was an advantage which it seemed eager to appropriate to itself.

The fourth point of discussion was the equivalent to be given to government. The deputies urged that the importance of their communications could only be judged of by the extent of what was already known; but that the state prisoners would not consent to place themselves in the power of government, unless it were first well ascertained, that on their acting with good faith, the objects they had so much at heart would be com pletely secured. They requested, therefore, to have explained to them what in this case was meant by importance. After some conversation, they were told that it would be considered of

importance

importance to give their authority for the alliance of the United Irishmen with France, the details of which the king's ministers well knew, but from such sources as they must keep secret; and that it would be important for them to be able to separate the true from the false of what they had already heard.

As to the prisoners going to such country as should be pointed out, this also was peremptorily refused. Upon which, Lord Castlereagh said his exception was against those countries alone that were at war with England, or under the influ ence of France; but both parties agreed upon the United States of America,

The ministers, in the strongest manner, pledged Lord Corn, wallis's administration to the utmost liberality in carrying the terms of the agreement into effect, and an immediate compliance was so fully expected, that a promise was obtained of giving the prisoners sufficient time for settling their affairs, before they were required to leave the country.

When it was proposed to make a draught of these stipulations, Lord Castlereagh laboured to produce a persuasion of its being superfluous, since every thing was so well understood, and would be honourably construed. The deputies, however, thought it their duty to commit the substance, at least to writing; and drew up a paper, which must be considered a memorandum, and not a detail of the agreement-but containing a plain reference to the most important article of the general amnesty, which, notwithstanding all the promises of the ministry, they could not suffer to remain altogether a secret one, The following is that

paper:

"That the undersigned state prisoners in the three prisons of Newgate, Kilmainham and Bridewell, engage to give every in formation in their power of the whole of the internal transac

tions of the United Irishmen; and that each of the prisoners shall give detailed information of every transaction that has passed between the United Irishmen and foreign states: but that the prisoners are not, by naming or describing, to implicate any person whatever; and that they are ready to emigrate to such country as shall be agreed on between them and government, and give security not to return to this country without the permis sion of government, and not to pass into an enemy's countryif, on doing this, they are to be freed from prosecution, and also Mr. Oliver Bond be permitted to take the benefit of this proposal.

"The state-prisoners also hope that the benefit of this proposal may be extended to such persons in custody, or not in custody, as may chuse to benefit by it."

The deputies made the first sketch of this paper, containing the matters they had previously discussed, as far as the ministers had consented to the same. The Chancellor and Lord Castlereagh revised the draught, Mr. Secretary Cook transcribed it, after which he and the deputies interchanged copies. Finally, it was stated by the person who negotiated, that as they were not actuated by personal motives, but were employed for the rest of their fellow-prisoners, they must communicate the agreement to them, and that if it was refused by others, they also would decline signing it. The agreement was accordingly submitted to all the state prisoners in custody in the metropolis-none of whom refused to ratify it.

The necessity of effecting a retreat from an unsuccessful insur rection, first led the United Irishmen to negotiate. The publicity of all their transactions, especially after the insurrection, induced them to accede to the conditions which have been related. There could be no objection against giving every information of the internal transactions and external relations of the

Union,

Union, which could be detailed without naming or describing any person whatever, for this simple reason- -government was already in possession of it all. They had repeatedly seized United Irish constitutions, and copies of the most material orders the executive had issued. They had obtained very extensive intelligence from all parts of the country, notwithstanding the unparalleled fidelity of the United Irish body, considering that it comprehended almost the active population of the whole nation. Their knowledge of the negotiations of the United Irishmen with foreign states was equally notorious, and at this time one of the deputies had personal evidence of its extent and accuracy. That knowledge was obtained from some person in the pay of England, and in the confidence of France.*

On the 12th of March preceding, after the arrests in Dublin, Mr. Cook told Dr. Mac Neven that government was in possession of a copy of the memoir given by him to the French minister, and he removed, in this instance, all suspicion of his own veracity,

* Mr. Reinhardt, the resident minister of the French republic at Hamburg, when applied to by Dr. Mac Neven for a passport to proceed to Paris, insisted on his orders not to deliver any without the permission of his government, first obtained for every individual-case. Though much pressed, he was inflexible; but always offered to transmit a memoir which should detail the object of the mission. This was at last prepared, in despair of proceeding, and as Reinhardt knew the English language, and must at any rate translate the memoir into cipher, it was deemed unne cessary to compose it in French. Two days after it was delivered, Mr. Reinhardt's scruples vanished, aud be granted the passport. Mac Néven afterwards saw the deciphered copy of this paper, in French, in Talleyrand's office, where it was kept under the particular key of the chief Seeretary. The original, in English, was withdrawn from Reinhardt, and Lever afterwards entrusted by Mac Neven into any hands bu those of a friend upon whom suspicion could not attach; and independent of the security offered by his character, there is this strong circumstance, that the copy of the memoir which Dr. Mac Neven saw in the bands of Lord Clare, was from the French, and ust the English.