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junior, according to which it was to be classed and recognized, and its delegates received by that committee; no society was to be recognized by any committee, unless approving of and taking the test, and amounting to seven members; lastly was laid down the order of business at each meeting. From these societies, committees took their origin, in an ascending series; the baronials consisted of their immediate delegates. When any barony or other district should contain three or more societies, it was determined that three members from each, appointed as already mentioned, were to form a baronial for three months. In order to preserve the necessary connection between all the parts, no committee in any new barony or district could act until properly constituted: for that purpose the secretary of the senior society was to request a deputation from the nearest baronial, to constitute a committee for that barony or district.— When the number of societies in any barony amounted to eight in order to prevent the committee's becoming too numerous, įt had a right to form another baronial; but each was to represent at least three societies. That none might be unrepresented, baronials were empowered to receive delegates from the societies of a contiguous barony, which did not contain three: The baronials were also to correspond with societies or with individuals, who had been duly qualified as United Irishmen; and any business originating in one society, should, at the instance of its de legates, be laid by the baronial before the others. The county committees were to be formed when any county had three or more baronials, by two persons from each, to be chosen by ballot for three months; and until that took place, the existing baronial in any county had liberty to send delegates to the adja cent county committee. Provincials were in like manner to take place, when two or more counties in a province had their committees, by three from each, also chosen for three months by ballot; and where a provincial was not yet constituted, the county committees were to send delegates to the nearest provincial The national committee was to consist of five delegates from

each

each provincial. The names of committee men were not to be known by any person but those who elected them.

Whoever reflects on this constitution for a moment, will per ceive that it was prepared with the most important views. It formed a gradually extending representative system, founded on universal suffrage, and frequent elections. It was fitted to a ba rony, county, or province, while the organization was confined within those limits; but if the whole nation adopted the system, it furnished a national government,

The 10th of May, 1795, therefore, produced the most im portant consequences to Ireland, and such as will be remembered by the latest posterity. Curiosity will naturally be solicitous to learn, who and what manner of men they were, that dared to harbour sach comprehensive and nearly visionary ideas. They were almost universally farmers, manufacturers, and shop-keepers, the representatives of men certainly not superior to themselves; but they and their constituents were immoveable republicans. After the business, for which they had been deputed, was finished, the person whom they had appointed their chairman, stated that they had undertaken no light matter; that İt was adviseable to be ascertained whether their pursuits and objects were the same; and that he would, therefore, with the permission of the meeting, ask every delegate what were his views, and as he apprehended, those of his society. This being done, every individual answered in his turn, a republican government, with separation, from England, and assigned his reasons for those views.

Statesmen and historians have been, perhaps at all times, too much inclined to characterise the people as a blind, unthinking mass; and to attribute its movements to the skill and artifice of a few factious demagogues, whom they suppose able, by false pretences, to excite or still at pleasure, the popular storm.

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In the present instance, it is unquestionably a mistake, which has led to many erroneous conclusions, and even to some false steps, to imagine that the people were deluded into the United Irish system, by ambitious leaders, who held out as a pretence, catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform. These were very seriously pursued, until the first was to a great degree acquired, and the attainment of the last became desperate. From this despair, and the measures that produced it, arose a change of objects; but it arose with the people themselves. In Ireland, the catholics in general, particularly the poor, had long entertained a rooted wish for separation, which they considered as synonymous with national independence. The desire for this and the more modern spirit of republicanism, having been equally the result of undoubted grievances and protracted sufferings, sprung up principally where those grievances were most oppressive, and longest endured-with the lowest orders, whose experience and feeling supplied the place of learning and reflection. As the United Irish system ascended into the upper ranks, it engulphed into it, numbers who afterwards indeed appeared as leaders; but while these men were ignorant of that system, and very earnestly aiming at reform, multitudes of the people, whom they are supposed to have deluded, were as earnestly intent upon a republic: and even after they coincided in endeavouring for that form of government, they would perhaps have been more ready than their poorer associates, to abandon the pursuit, if reform had been granted.

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In the mean time, parliament was occupied with measures a very different nature and importance, from those just described its attention was engaged in discussing the motives of Lord Fitzwilliam's recall, and in adopting or rejecting the proposed measures of his administration. The bill for regulating the treasury, the alteration of the police laws, substituting in lieu of that institution, a parochial watch for Dublin, as well as the regulations restraining the abuse of spiritual liquors, and

giving encouragement to the brewing trade, were allowed to take effect; the project of equalizing the commercial duties between the two countries, was evaded by adjournment; but the catholic bill introduced by Mr. Grattan, was rejected on the 4th of May. That question had now lost much of its public interest; not only because its absolute importance was little, and that little daily vanishing, but also because, from the change of administration, the urging of it was attended with no prospect of success. It served, however, to produce a very long and animated debate in the house of commons. The splendid talents and argumentative powers of Mr. Grattan were called forth again, to illustrate, adorn and diversify a subject on which he had more than once bestowed such efforts as would have exhausted any ordinary mind.

Opposite in opinions, reasonings, matter and manner was the speech of Dr. Duigenan, conceived and delivered in a stile peculiar to himself.

On this night Mr. Arthur O'Connor first attracted public notice. Quitting the uninteresting question before the house, and profiting by a well known argument against the catholic claims, that if complied with, they would overturn the constitution and church establishment, he took a bold and comprehensive review of both; examined what he alledged to be the principles on which they were founded; the corruptions by which they were supported, and the vices to which they gave birth: from thence he inferred, that if the predicted subversion were, in truth, to take place, great good to the whole nation. would be the immediate consequence. Although it was impossible to arrive at this conclusion, except by arguments familiar to all reflecting republicans, and often, but covertly, urged in the Northern Star and their other favourite publications, yet this speech excited the utmost astonishment: partly from its ability, partly as coming from an unknown man, that had pre

viously

viously supported the measures of government, and partly be cause it was spoken within the walls of parliament. It also pro cured to its author uncommon popularity with the Irish people, who are always ready to receive with open arms, a repentant friend.

The bill was lost by 155 to 84; a disparity that may perhaps excite conjecture as to what the numbers would have been, if Lord Fitzwilliam had continued chief governor.

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Another question also relating to the members of the same religion, was still in agitation. Dr. Hussey had been sent over, as already stated, by the British cabinet, to prepare and superintend a plan for educating their clergy, and one was accordingly submitted to parliament. Whatever connexion it may have had with the bargain, said to have been entered into between their prelates and Lord Westmoreland's administration, it was highly approved of by those reverend persons; but a strong petition was presented against it by a number of catholic laymen. Their ob jections were, that in the college, which the proposed plan went to establish, trustees different from the principal and professors were empowered to regulate the course of education, and also to appoint professors and scholars on the foundation, without any kind of examinatian into their merits or qualifications; and also, that the plan as far as it operated, obstructed the educating together of catholics and protestants: the petitioners, therefore, strongly reprobated it as tending to perpetuate a line of separation, which the interest of the country required to be obliterated, and as preventing early habits from producing a liberal and friendly intercourse through life. Such objections, might perhaps have deserved the attention of philosophic legislators; they were, however, entirely disregarded by parliament, and the plan was adopted without alteration-almost without discussion or debate.

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