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then subdued by the arms of France, will furnish some idea of the prevailing spirit of the times.
1st. The republic of France; whose triumphs have made this day a jubilee; may she destroy the race of kings, and may their broken sceptres and crowns like the bones and teeth of the Mammoth, be the only evidences that such monsters ever infested the earth.
2nd. The republic of France; may the shores of Great Britain soon hail the tricolored standard, and the people rend the air with shouts long live the republic
3rd. The republic of France; may her navy clear the ocean of pirates, that the common highway of nations may no longer, like the highways of Great Britain, be a receptacle for robbers.
4th. The republic of France; may all free nations learn of her to transfer their attachment from men to principles, and from individuals to the people.
5th. The republic of France; may her example in the abolition of titles and splendour be a lesson to all republics to destroy those leavens of corruption.
6th. The republic of Holland; may the flame of liberty which they have rekindled never be permitted to expire for want of vigilance and energy.
7th. The republic of Holland; may her two sisters the republics of France and America, form with her an invincible triumvirate in the cause of liberty.
8th. The republic of Holland; may she again give birth to a Van Tromp and De Ruyter who shall make the satellites of George tremble at their approach, and seek their safety in flight.
9th. The republic of Holland; may that fortitude which sustained her in the dire conflict with Philip II, and the success that crowned her struggles, be multiplied upon her, in the hour of her regeneration.
10th. The republic of Holland; may that government which they are about establishing have neither the balances of aristocracy, nor the checks of monarchy.
Uth. The republic of America; may the sentiment that impelled her to resist a British tyrant's will, and the energy which rendered it effectual, prompt her to repel usurpation in whatever shape it may assail her.
12th. The republic of America; may the aristocracy of wealth founded upon the virtues, the toils, and the blood of her revolutionary armies soon vanish, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a wreck behind. 13th. The republic of America; may her government have public good for its object, and be purged of the dregs of sophisticated republicanism.
14th. The republic of America; may the alliance formed between her and France acquire vigour with age, and that man be branded as the enemy of liberty who shall endeavour to weaken or unhinge it.
15th. The republic of America; may her administration have virtue enough to defy the ordeal of patriotic societies, and patriotism enough to cherish instead of denouncing them.
It was not in Philadelphia alone that this temper was manifested. In every part of the United States, the love of France appeared to be a passion much more active with immense numbers, than that of America. Her victories were celebrated with enthusiasm, her heroes were toasted on public occasions, and moderation with regard to England was deemed a crime not readily to be pardoned.
General Washington received an invitation to attend this feast in the following terms. Sir,
The subscribers, a committee in behalf of a number of American, French, and Dutch citizens, request the honour of your company to a civic festival, to be given on Friday April 17th, appointed to celebrate the late victories of the French republic, and the emancipation of Holland.
MVTE, M>. XYII....Seepage 639.
A letter addressed to his government in October 1794 by the minister of the French republic was intercepted by the captain of a British frigate and forwarded to Mr. Hammond.
by whom it was delivered about the last of July to the secretary of the treasury, who, on the arrival of the president in Philadelphia, placed it in his hands. This letter alluded to communications from Mr. Randolph which, in the opinion of the president, were excessively improper. The ecclaircissements which the occasion required were followed by the resignation of the secretary. For the purpose, as he alleged, of vindicating his conduct, he demanded a sight of a confidential letter which had been addressed to him by the president, and which was left in the office. His avowed design was to give this as well as some others of the same description to the public in order to support the allegation, that in consequence of his attachment to France and to liberty, he had fallen a victim to the intrigues of a British and an aristocratic party. The answer given to this demand was a licence which few political characters in turbulent times could allow to a man who had possessed the unlimited confidence of the person giving it. "I have directed" said the president " that you should have the inspection of my letter of the 22nd of July agreeable to your request: and you are at full liberty to publish without reserve any and every private and confidential letter I ever wrote you: nay more....every word I ever uttered to or in your presence, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication."
JVOT£, JYo. XVIJI....Seepage 639.
This place was offered to Mr. Henry, a gentleman of eminent talents, great influence, and most commanding eloquence. He had led the opposition to the constitution in Virginia, but, after its adoption, his hostility had in some measure subsided. He was truly the personal friend of the president, and had lately manifested a temper not inimical to the administration. The chief magistrate was anxious to engage him in the public service, but was aware of the embarrassments which must result from placing in so confidential a station, a person whose opinions might lead him to thwart every measure of the exe» cutive. It was, therefore, necessary to come to some explanations with Mr. Henry on this subject, and the letter which invited him into the department of state opened the way for this explanation by stating truly the views and character of the administration. "I persuade myself, sir," said the president, "it has not escaped your observation, that a crisis is approaching which must, if it cannot be arrested, soon decide whether order and good government shall be preserved, or anarchy and confusion ensue. I can most religiously aver that I have no wish incompatible with the dignity, happiness, and true interests of the people of this country. My ardent desire is, and my aim has been (as far as depended upon the executive department) to comply strictly with all our foreign and domestic engagements; but to keep the United States free from political connections with every other country;....» see them independent of all, and under the influence of none. In a word, I want an American character; that the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves and not for others. This, in my judgment, is the only way to be respected abroad, and happy at home; and not by becoming the partisans of Great Britain or France, create dissensions, disturb the public tranquillity, and destroy perhaps forever, the cement that binds the union.
"I am satisfied these sentiments cannot be otherwise than congenial to your own. Your aid, therefore, in carrying them into effect would be flattering and pleasing to me."
This accurate chart of the road he was invited to travel, presented in itself no impediments which to Mr. Henry appeared insurmountable. By private considerations alone was he restrained from proceeding in it.
.VOTE, M. XIX....See ftage 677.
The course of the war in Europe had brought the two parties into opposition on a point on which no difference had originally existed between them, which gave more countenance to the charge that the advocates of the American government
were unfriendly to France than it could justly claim when first made. Those who in 1793 had supported the proclamation of neutrality, and the whole system connected with it, were then, generally speaking, ardent and sincere in their wishes for the success of the French arms. But as the troops of the republic subdued Belgium and Holland; as they conquered Italy, and established the complete influence of France over the monarchy of Spain, this union of sentiment gradually disappeared. By one party it was contended that America could feel no interest in seeing Europe subjected to any one power. That to such a power, the Atlantic would afford no impassable barrier; and that no form of government was a security against national ambition. They, therefore, wished this series of victories to be interrupted; and that the balance of Europe should not be absolutely overturned. Additional strength was undoubtedly'given to this course of reasoning by the aggressions of France on the United States.
In the opinion of the opposite party, the triumphs of France were the triumphs of liberty. In their view every nation which was subdued, was a nation liberated from oppression. The fears of danger to the United States from the further aggrandizement of a single power were treated as chimerical, because that power being a republic must, consequently, be the friend of republics in every part of the globe, and a stranger to that lust of domination which was the characteristic passion of monarchies. Shifting with address the sentiment really avowed by their opponents, they ridiculed a solicitude for the existence of a balance of power in Europe, as an opinion that America ought to embark herself in the crusade of kings against France in order to preserve that balance.
XOTE, JVo. XX....See jiage 727.
The following extract from a letter written to general Knox the day before the termination of his office, exhibits the sentiments with which he contemplated this event, and
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