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CHAP. II. virtue like the other resources of a country, can 1783 only be drawn to a point by strong circumstances, 1787. ably managed, or strong governments, ably administered. New governments have not the aid of habit and hereditary respect, and being generally the result of preceding tumult and confusion, do not immediately acquire stability or strength. Besides, in times of commotion, some men will gain confidence and importance who merit neither; and who, like political mountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of the credulous crowd, than about making the most of their nostrums and prescriptions.

"What I most fear is, that the better kind of people (by which I mean the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situations, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security."

To this interesting letter, general Washington made the following reply. "Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct; we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men

will not adopt and carry into execution measures CHAP. II. the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. I do not 1787.

conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states. To be fearful of investing congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? by the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election? we must take human nature as we find it perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion that congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humble tone of requisition in applications to the states, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity, and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited states, are in the habit of discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. Requisitions

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1787.

CHAP. II. are actually little better than a jest and a bye word 1783 throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done?... Things cannot go on in the same train forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism.

"What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking, proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions!...what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and falacious! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.

"Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles.

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"Nor could it be expected that my sentiments CHAP. II. and opinions would have much weight on the minds 1783 of my countrymen.... They have been neglected, 1787. though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner....I had then perhaps some claims to public attention....I consider myself as having none at present."

tion at

The convention at Annapolis was attended by The conven commissioners from only five states.* Having Annapolis, appointed Mr. Dickinson their chairman, they proceeded to discuss the objects for which they had convened. It was soon perceived that powers much more ample than had been confided to them would be requisite to enable them to effect the beneficial purposes which they contemplated.

For this reason, as well as in consideration of the small number of states which were represented, the convention determined to rise without coming to any specific resolutions on the particular subject which had been referred to them. Previous to their adjournment however, they agreed on a report to be made to their respective states, in which was represented the necessity of extending the revision of the federal system to all its defects, and in which they recommended that deputies for that purpose be appointed by the several legislatures, to meet in convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the second day of the ensuing May.

The reasons for preferring a convention to a discussion of this subject in congress were stated

• New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia.

VOL. V.

CHAP. II. to be," that in the latter body, it might be too 1783 much interrupted by the ordinary business before 1787. them, and would, besides, be deprived of the valu

to

Virginia appoints deputies to

the other

states at

Philadelphia

able counsels of sundry individuals who were disqualified by the constitution or laws of particular states, or restrained by peculiar circumstances from a seat in that assembly."

A copy of this report was transmitted to congress in a letter from the chairman, stating the inefficiency of the federal government, and necessity of devising such further provisions as would render it adequate to the exigencies of the union.

On receiving this report, the legislature of Virginia passed an act for the appointment of deputies to meet such as might be appointed by other states; for the pur to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, at the time and for the purposes specified in the recommendation from the convention which had met at Annapolis.

pose of revi

sing the

federal system.

In communicating to general Washington the measure which had been adopted in Virginia, its principal advocate* thus intimated the intention of aiding it by the influence and character of the chief of the revolution. "It has been thought advisable to give this subject a very solemn dress, and all the weight which could be derived from a single state. This idea will also be pursued in the selection of characters to represent Virginia in the federal convention. You will infer our earnestness on this point, from the liberty which will be used of placing your name at the head of

Mr. Madison.