plaint.

In the correspondence between Mr. CHAP. IX. Jefferson and Mr. Genet, its invalidity had been 1796. fully shown; and the argument then urged to prove the rights of a belligerent under the law of nations, was not less applicable when used in defence of a recognition of those rights by treaty. But from the pressure of a situation in which France had elected to place herself, the American government discovered a willingness voluntarily to release her.

Amongst the facts adduced by the enemies of the administration as evidence of its coldness towards the French republic, few have been urged with more vehemence than its repugnance to drawing the two nations closer to each other by a new commercial treaty. On this point as on all others, the state papers of the American government con. tain the best justification of its conduct; but on the arrival of Mr. Adet, the secretary of state earnestly pressed the subject upon him. Amongst the other ideas thrown out upon the occasion, it was very intelligibly suggested, that the United States were by no means disposed to insist on retaining a principle which had become burdensome to their friend.

In the anxiety which was felt by the executive to come to full and immediate explanations on this treaty, the American minister at Paris had been furnished, even before its ratification, and still more fully afterwards, with ample materials for the justification of his government. But, misconceiving the views of the administration,

See Monroe's view.

CHAP. IX. he reserved these representations to answer com. 1796. plaints which were expected, and omitted to make them in the first instance, while the course to be pursued by the directory was under deliberation. Meanwhile, his letters kept up the alarm which had been excited with regard to the dispositions of France; and intelligence from the West Indies served to confirm it. Through a private channel, believed to be worthy of confidence, information was received by an American gentleman, and communicated to the president, that the special agents of the directory in the islands were about to issue orders for the capture of all American vessels, laden in the whole or in part with provisions, and bound for any port within the dominions of the British crown.

Hostile

measures of France

against the United States.

Knowing well that the intentions of the executive towards the French republic had been at all times friendly, and entertaining a strong conviction that its conduct was liable to no just objection, the president had relied with confidence on early and candid communications for the removal of any prejudices or misconceptions which the passions of the moment might have occasioned. That the French government would be disappointed at the adjustment of those differences which had threatened to embroil the United States with Great Britain, could not be doubted; but as neither this adjustment, nor the arrangements connected with it had furnished any real cause of complaint, he had cherished the hope that it would produce no serious consequences, if the proper means of prevention should be applied in time. He was there

fore dissatisfied with delays which he had not CHAP. IX. expected; and seems to have believed that they 1796. originated in a want of zeal to justify a measure, which neither the minister himself nor his political friends had ever approved. To ensure an earnest and active representation of the true sentiments and views of the administration, the president was inclined to depute an envoy extraordinary for the particular purpose, who should be united with the actual minister; but on examining this idea, it was found to be inadmissible under the constitution. During the recess of the senate, the president can only fill up vacancies; and consequently, the appointment of a diplomatic character in a case where no previous vacancy existed, transcended his powers.

Mr. Monroe

general

Pinckney

succeed him.

This principle being decided, and it being thought essential to the interests of the United States that they should be represented in Paris by a person who would enter cordially into the views of the administration, the resolution was taken to appoint a successor to colonel Monroe. The choice of a person in all respects qualified for this recalled and mission was not without its difficulty. While a appointed to disposition towards the administration in which implicit confidence might be placed was a requisite not to be dispensed with, it was also desirable that the person employed should have given no umbrage to the French government. No individual who had performed a conspicuous part on the political theatre of America fitted both branches of this description. All who had advocated in public, with zeal and with talents, the

CHAP. IX. measures of the American government, had been 1796. marked as the enemies of France, and were on this account to be avoided.

For this critical and important service, the president, after some deliberation, selected general Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, an elder brother of Mr. Thomas Pinckney, the late* minister of the United States at London. No man in America stood more perfectly free from exception than this gentleman. Having engaged with ardor in that war which gave independence to his country, he had, in its progress, sustained from the British army indignities to his person, and injuries to his fortune, which are not easily forgotten. In the early part of the French revolution, he had felt and expressed all the enthusiasm of his countrymen for the establishment of the republic, and had not engaged with either of those political parties which had divided America. Restrained by the official situation of his brother during the negotiations which had been carried on with England, he had forborne to express any opinion respecting the treaty in which those negotiations terminated, and had consequently taken no part with those who approved, or with those who condemned that instrument. No man, therefore, who had not declared himself unfriendly to the principles he would be deputed to support, could be less objectionable to France.

* At his own request Mr. Pinckney had been recalled; and Mr. King, a gentleman whose talents have been univer sally acknowledged, and whose services will be long recollected with approbation, had succeeded him.

683 To the president he was recommended by an CHAP. IX. intimate knowledge of his worth; by a confidence 1796. in the sincerity of his personal attachment to the executive; by a conviction that his exertions to effect the objects of his mission would be ardent and sincere; and that, whatever might be his partialities for France, he possessed a high and delicate sense of national as well as individual honour, was jealous for the reputation of his country, and tenacious of its rights.*

In July, immediately after the appointment of general Pinckney, letters were received from colonel Monroe communicating the official complaints against the American government which had been made to him in March by Mr, de La Croix, the minister of exterior relations, together with his answer to those complaints.

In this answer, the American minister had effectually refuted the criminations of Mr. de La Croix; and the executive was satisfied with it. But the directory had decided on their system, and it was not by reasoning, however conclusive, that this decision was to be changed.

As the time for electing the chief magistrate approached, the anxiety of the public respecting

* Amongst those acts of the president on which the most harsh animadversions have been made, is this change of the American minister at Paris. The motive which induced it have been truly stated. By the gentleman who was recalled, his whole correspondence with his government was published; and on that correspondence he relied for the testimony of the zeal with which he performed the duties of his station.