his object to be the preservation of the constitution CHAP. VIII, of the United States in its original purity; the 1795. other, with perhaps equal sincerity, imputed to him the insidious intention of subverting it. While his friends' were persuaded that he viewed foreign nations with an equal eye, (as a statesman) his enemies could perceive in his conduct only hostility to France, and attachment to her rival.

It was his fortune to hold a conspicuous station in times which were peculiarly tempestuous, and under circumstances peculiarly unfavourable to the fair action of the judgment. In the midst of prejudices against the national debt, which had taken deep root, and had long been nourished, he was called to the head of a department whose duty it was to contend with those prejudices, and to offer a system which, in doing justice to the creditor of the public, might retrieve the reputation of his country. While the passions were inflamed by a stern contest between the advocates of a national, and of state governments, duties were assigned to him, in the execution of which there were frequent occasions to manifest his strong predilection for the former. When a raging fever, caught from that which was desolating France, and exhibiting some of its symptoms, had seized the public mind, and reached its understanding, it was unfavourable to his quiet, and perhaps to his fame, that he remained uninfected by the disease. He judged the French revolution without prejudice, and had the courage to predict that it could not terminate in a free and popular government.

CHAP. VIII.

Such opinions, at such a time, could not fail 1795. to draw a load of obloquy upon a man whose frankness gave them publicity, and whose boldness and decision of character ensured them an able and steady support. The suspicions they were calculated to generate, derived great additional force from the political theories he was understood to hold. It was known that, in his judgment, the constitution of the United States was rather chargeable with imbecility than censurable for its too great strength; and that the real sources of danger to American happiness and liberty, were to be found in its want of the means to effect the objects of its institution;...in its being exposed to the encroachments of the states ;... not in the magnitude of its powers. Without attempting to conceal these opinions, he declared his perfect acquiescence in the decision of his country his hope that the issue would be fortunate; and his firm determination, in whatever might depend upon his exertions, to give the experiment the fairest chance for success. No part of his political conduct has been perceived, which would inspire doubts of the sincerity of this declaration.

In the esteem and good opinion of the president, to whom he was best known, colonel Hamilton at all times maintained a high place. While balancing on the mission to England, and searching for a character to whom the interesting negotiation with that government should be confided, the mind of the chief magistrate was directed, among

others, to this gentleman.* He carried with him CHAP.VIII. out of office,† the same cordial esteem for his 1795. character and respect for his talents which had induced his appointment.

by Mr.

The vacant office of secretary of the treasury is succeeded was filled by Mr. Wolcott of Connecticut, a gen- Wolcott, tleman well versed in its duties. He had served as comptroller for a considerable time, and in that situation had been eminently useful to the head of the department.

The report of the select committee recommended additional objects for internal taxation, and that the temporary duties already imposed should be rendered permanent. The opposition made to this essential part of the system was so ardent, and so persevering, that though the measure was taken up early in the session, the bill did not pass the house of representatives until late in February. Not only were the taxes proposed by the friends of the administration encountered successfully by popular objections, urged with all the vehemence

The apprehensions entertained by the opposition that colonel Hamilton would be appointed on the embassy to England were extreme. Among the letters to general Washington, are some from members of each branch of the legislature, advising against the mission generally, and dissuading him from the appointment of colonel Hamilton particularly, in terms which manifest a real opinion that the best interests of the nation would be sacrificed by such an appointment. Colonel Hamilton himself recommended Mr. Jay.

See Note No. XV. at the end of the volume.

CHAP. VII. of passion and zeal of conviction, but it was with 1795. extreme difficulty that the duties on sugar refined, and tobacco manufactured within the United States, could be rendered permanent. When gentlemen were urged to produce a substitute for the system they opposed, a direct tax was mentioned with approbation; but no disposition was shown to incur the responsibility and unpopularity of becoming the actual patrons of such a measure. At length, by the most persevering exertions of the federal party, the bill was carried through the house; and thus was that system adopted which, if its operations shall not be disturbed, and if no great accumulations of debt be made, will in a few years discharge all the engagements of the United States. This act constitutes a sinking fund, composed of the surplus of revenue, of the bank dividends, and of the proceeds of the western land when sold. To prevent the misapplication or diversion of this fund from its intended use, the monies belonging to it are vested in the commissioners of the sinking fund, as property in trust, to be applied to the discharge and redemption of the debt; and the faith of the government is solemnly pledged that they shall be applied to that purpose alone.

An attempt was made in the course of the session to reduce the military establishment. Although the hostile Indians had made advances to a pacification, which gave the fairest prospects of a speedy termination of the war, no treaty with them was concluded; and although the negotiations with Great Britain were understood to be in a

train which promised that they would terminate CHAP. VIII. in an accommodation of differences, no intelli- 1795. gence was as yet received which could authorize a firm reliance on such an issue. It was therefore deemed imprudent to diminish, for the present, the military force of the United States. The old argument of the preference due to militia was again advanced, but the proofs of their inferior efficacy, and superior expensiveness were so irresistible, that the proposed reduction of the army did not take place.

On the third of March, by the expiration of the constitutional term for which the members of the house of representatives were elected, this important session was ended. Although the party which was hostile to the general system of the administration had obtained a small majority in one branch of the legislature, several circumstances had concurred to give great weight to the recommendations of the executive. Among these may be reckoned the victory obtained by general Wayne, and the suppression of the western insurrection. In some points, however, which he had pressed with earnestness, his sentiments did not prevail. Among these, was a bill introduced into the senate for preserving peace with the Indians, by protecting them from the intrusions and incursions of the whites.

From the commencement of his administration, this subject had been viewed by the president with great interest; and he had permitted scarcely a session of congress to pass away, without pressing it on the attention of the legislature. It had been mentioned in his speech at the commence