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The president, in person, visited each division CHAP. VIII. of the army; but being confident that the force 1794. employed must look down all resistance, he left the secretary of the treasury to accompany it, and returned himself to Philadelphia, at which place the approaching session of congress rendered his presence almost indispensably necessary.

Quelled by

and vigorous measures of

From Cumberland and Bedford, the army marched in two divisions into the country of the the prompt insurgents. As had been foreseen, the greatness the govern of the force prevented the effusion of blood. ment. The disaffected did not venture to assemble in arms. Several of the leaders who had refused to give assurances of future submission to the laws were seized, and some of them detained for legal prosecution. A Mr. Bradford, who, in the latter stages of the insurrection, had manifested a peculiar degree of violence, and had openly advocated the appeal to arms, made his escape into the territories of Spain.

But although no direct and open opposition was made, the spirit of insurrection was by no means subdued. A sour and malignant temper displayed itself, which indicated but too plainly that the disposition to resist had only sunk under the pressure of the great military force brought into the country, but would rise again should that force be suddenly removed. It was, therefore, thought advisable to station for the winter, a detachment, to be commanded by major general Morgan, in the centre of the disaffected country.

CHAP. VIII.

Thus, without shedding a drop of blood,* did 1794. the prudent vigour of the executive terminate an insurrection which, at one time, threatened to shake the government of the United States to its foundation. That so perverse a spirit should have been excited in the bosom of prosperity, without the pressure of a single grievance, is among those political phenomena which occurs not unfrequently in the course of human affairs, and which the statesman can never safely disregard. When real ills are experienced, there is something positive and perceptible to which the judgment may be directed, the actual extent of which may be ascertained, and the cause of which may perhaps be discerned. But when the mind, inflamed by supposititious dangers, gives a full loose to the imagination, and fastens upon some object with which to disturb itself, the belief that the danger exists seems to become a matter of faith, with which reason combats in vain. Under a government emanating entirely from the people, and with an administration whose sole object was their happiness, the public mind throughout the continent was violently agitated with apprehensions of a powerful and secret combination against liberty, which was to discover itself by the total overthrow of the republican system. That those who were charged with these designs were as destitute of the means, as of the will to effect them, did not shake the firm belief of their existence.

*Two persons who were convicted of treason received a pardon.

Disregarding the apparent partiality of the admin- CHAP. VIII. istration for France, so far as that partiality was 1794. compatible with an honest neutrality, the zealots of the day ascribed its incessant labours for the preservation of peace to a temper hostile to the French republic; and while themselves loudly imprecating the vengeance of Heaven and earth on one of the belligerents, and rejoicing in the victories of the other; while impetuously rushing into a war with Britain, and pressing measures which would render accommodation impracticable, they attributed a system calculated to check them in this furious career, not to that genuine American spirit which produced it, but to an influence which, so far as opinions are to depend on facts, has at no time insinuated itself into the councils of the United States.

In popular governments, the resentments, the suspicions, and the disgusts, produced in the legislature by warm debate, and the chagrin of defeat; by the desire of gaining, or the fear of loseing power; and which are created by personal views among the leaders of parties, will infallibly extend to the body of the nation. Not only will those causes of dissatisfaction be urged which really operate on the minds of intelligent men, but every instrument will be seized which can effect the purpose, and the passions will be inflamed by whatever may serve to irritate them. Among the multiplied evils generated by faction, it is perhaps not the least, that it has a tendency to abolish all distinction between virtue and vice, and to prostrate those barriers which the wise and

CHAP. VIII. good have erected for the protection of morals, 1794. and which are defended solely by opinion. The victory of the party becomes the great object, and, too often, every thing is deemed right or wrong as it tends to promote or impede it. The attainment of the end is considered as the supreme good, and the detestable doctrine is adopted that. the end will justify the means. The mind, habituated to the extenuation of acts of moral turpi tude, becomes gradually contaminated, and loses much of its horror for vice, and of its respect for virtue.

In the intemperate abuse which was cast on the principal measures of the government, and on those who supported them; in the violence with which the discontents of the opponents to those measures were expressed; and especially in the denunciations which were uttered against them by the democratic societies, who denominated themselves, and who seem to have been considered by many, as the people; the friends of the administration searched for the causes of that criminal attempt which had been made in the western parts of Pennsylvania to oppose the will of the nation by force of arms. Had those misguided men believed that this opposition was to be confined within their own narrow limits, they could not have been so mad, or so weak, as to have engaged in it.

The ideas of the president on this subject were freely given to several of his confidential friends. "The real people," he said, " he said, "occasionally as sembled in order to express their sentiments on political subjects, ought never to be confounded

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with permanent self appointed societies, usurping CHAP. VIIK the right to control the constituted authorities, and 1794. to dictate to public opinion. While the former was entitled to respect, the latter was incompatible with all government, and must either sink into general disesteem, or finally overturn the estab. lished order of things."* In a letter to Mr. Jay, to whom he thought it necessary to communicate the actual state of the nation, he thus expressed himself.

"That the self created societies who have spread themselves over this country have been labouring incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, and of course, discontent, hoping thereby to effect some revolution in the government, is not unknown to you. That they have been the fomenters of the western disturbances, admits of no doubt in the mind of any one who will examine their conduct. But, fortunately, they have precipitated a crisis for which they were not prepared; and thereby have unfolded views which will, I trust, effect their annihilation sooner than it might have happened. An occasion has also been afforded for the people of this country to show their ab

*This opinion was not occasioned by the malignant strictures which these societies made upon his administration. It had been deliberately formed in the season of retirement. So early as the year 1786, in a letter to a favourite nephew concerning whom he was particularly solicitous, and who had engaged with the ardor of youth in a political society, general Washington stated in clear and decided terms his objections to such institutions, and the abuses of which they were peculiarly susceptible.

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