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1790.

found, it was said, a full equivalent for this ces. CHAP. IV. sion. Not only would the United States have no motive for passing that river themselves, but their real interest dictated that Spain should retain the undisturbed possession of the immense regions she claimed west of its banks.

Mr. Carmichael was also instructed to point the attention of the Spanish government to the peculiar situation of the United States. To one half of their territory, the use of the Mississippi was indispensable. No efforts could prevent their acquiring it. That they would acquire it either by acting separately, or in conjunction with Great Britain, was one of those inevitable events against which human wisdom would in vain attempt to provide. To the serious consideration of the Spanish government, therefore, were submitted the consequences which must result to their whole empire in America, either from hostilities with the United States, or from a seizure of Louisiana by Great Britain.

The opinion, that in the event of war between Great Britain and Spain, Louisiana would be invaded from Canada, was not a mere suggestion for the purpose of aiding the negotiations at Madrid. It was seriously adopted by the American government; and the attention of the executive was turned to the measures which it would be proper to take, should application be made for permission to march a body of troops through the unsettled territories of the United States into the dominions of Spain, or should the attempt be made to march them without permission.

CHAP. IV.

Among the circumstances which contributed to

1790. the opinion that, in the event of war, the arms of Great Britain would be directed against the settlements of Spain in America, was the continuance of lord Dorchester in the government of Canada. This nobleman had intimated a wish to visit New York on his return to England; but the prospect of a rupture with Spain had determined him to remain in Canada. Under the pretext of making his acknowledgments for the readiness with which his desire to pass through New York had been acceded to, his lordship dispatched major Beckwith, a member of his family, to sound the American government, and if possible, to ascertain its dispositions towards the two nations. Alluding to the negotiations which had been com menced in London, this gentleman endeavoured to assign a satisfactory cause for the delays which had intervened. It was not improbable, he said, that these delays, and some other circumstances, might have impressed Mr. Morris with an idea of backwardness on the part of the British ministry. His lordship, however, had directed him to say, that an inference of this sort would not in his opinion be well founded, as he had reason to believe that the cabinet of Great Britain entertained a disposition not only towards a friendly intercourse, but towards an alliance with the United States.

Major Beckwith represented the particular ground of quarrel as one which ought to interest all commercial nations in favour of the views of Great Britain; and from that circumstance he

presumed that, should a war ensue, the United CHAP. IV. States would find their interest in taking part with 1790. Britain rather than with Spain.

After expressing the concern with which lord Dorchester had heard of the depredations of the savages on the western frontier of the United States, he declared that his lordship, so far from countenancing these depredations, had taken every proper opportunity to impress upon the Indians a pacific disposition; and that on his first hearing of the outrages lately committed, he had sent a messenger to endeavour to prevent them. Major Beckwith further intimated, that the perpetrators of the late murders were banditti, composed chiefly of Creeks and Cherokees, over whom the British govern or had no influence, but who were in the interest of Spain.

These communications were laid before the president, and appeared to him to afford an explanation of the delays which had been practised with Mr. Morris. He was persuaded that a disposition existed in the cabinet of London to retain things in their actual situation, until the intentions of the American government should be ascertained with respect to the war supposed to be approaching. If the United States would enter into an alliance with Great Britain, and would make a common cause with her against Spain, the way would be smoothed to the attainment of all their objects: but if America should be disinclined to such a connexion, and especially, if she should manifest any partiality towards Spain, no progress would be made in the attempt to adjust the points

VOL, V.

CHAP. IV. of difference between the two nations. Taking 1790. this view of the subject, he directed that the fur

ther communications of Mr. Beckwith should be heard civilly, and that their want of official authenticity should be hinted delicately, without using any expressions which might in the most remote degree commit the United States, or diminish their freedom to pursue, without reproach in the expected war, such a line of conduct as their interests or honour might dictate.

In the opinion that it would not only be useless but dishonourable further to press a commercial treaty, or the exchange of ministers, and that the subject of the western posts ought not again to be moved on the part of the United States, until they should be in a condition to speak a decisive language, the powers given to Mr. Morris were withdrawn. If the interests of their nation should produce dispositions in the British cabinet favourable to an amicable arrangement of differences, and to a liberal commercial intercourse secured by compact, it was believed that they would themselves come forward and make the requisite advances; until then, or until some other change of circumstances should require a change of conduct, things were to remain in their actual situation.

About the time of adopting this resolution, the dispute between Britain and Spain was adjusted. Finding France unwilling to engage in his quarrel, his catholic majesty, too weak to encounter alone the force of the British empire, yielded every point in controversy; and thus were terminated for the present, both the fear of inconveniences,

1790.

and the hope of advantages which might result to CHAP. IV. America from hostilities between the two powers whose dominions were in her neighbourhood, and with each of whom she was already engaged in controversies not easily to be accommodated.

By his incessant application to public business, and the consequent change of active for sedentary habits, the constitution of the president seemed much impaired; and, during the last session of congress he had, for the second time since entering on the duties of his present station, been attacked by a severe disease which reduced him to the brink of the grave. Exercise and a temporary relief from the cares of office being essential to the restoration of his health, he determined, for the short interval afforded by the recess of the legislature, to retire from the metropolis, and from The presi the fatigues of public life, to the tranquil shades Mount of Mount Vernon. After returning from a visit to Rhode Island, which state not having then adopted the American constitution, had not been included in his late tour through New England, he took leave of New York, and hastened to that peaceful retreat, and those rural employments, his taste for which neither military glory, nor political power could ever diminish.

After a short indulgence in these favourite scenes, it became necessary to repair to Philadelphia, in order to meet the national legislature.

* In Rhode Island the president was received with the same marks of esteem and affection which had been exhibited in every other part in the union which he had visited.

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