CHAP. III. posed. I hope it may be successful, nor do I 1789. doubt the event. I am confident our funds are

equal to the demand, if they can be properly brought into operation; but an unskilful administration of the finances would prove the greatest calamity."

It was not admitted that the plans of the secretary would possess an influence to which their intrinsic value would not give them a just claim. There would always be sufficient intelligence in that house to detect, and independence to expose any oppressive or injurious scheme which might be prepared for them. Nor would a plan openly and officially reported possess more influence on the mind of any member, than if given privately at the secretary's office.

Mr. Madison said, the words of the bill were precisely those used by the former congress on two occasions. The same power had been annexed to the office of superintendant of the finances; and he had never heard that any inconvenience had been experienced from the regulation. Perhaps if the power had been more fully and more frequently exercised, it might have contributed more to the public good. "There is," continued this gentleman, "a small probability, though it is but small, that an officer may derive weight from this circumstance, and have some degree of influence upon the deliberations of the legislature. But compare the danger likely to result from this cause, with the danger and inconvenience of not having well formed and digested plans, and we shall find infinitely more to apprehend from the latter. Inconsistent, unproductive, and expensive

schemes, will produce greater injury to our con- CHAP. III. stituents, than is to be apprehended from any 1789. undue influence which the well digested plans of a well informed officer can have. From a bad administration of the government, more detriment will arise than from any other source. Want of information has occasioned much inconvenience, and many unnecessary burdens in some of the state governments. Let it be our care to avoid those rocks and shoals in our political voyage which have injured, and nearly proved fatal to many of our contemporary navigators."

Admitting that, on this ground, there was a small probability of a small inconvenience, he thought it no more an argument against the clause, than the possibility that wind and rain might find their way through the crevices, would be an argument against windows to a house.

Mr. Fitzsimmons suggested that the different opinions of gentlemen might be reconciled' by substituting the word, " prepare" for "report." The secretary would then only report his plans if requested by the house. This proposition was declared to be totally unsatisfactory; and the debate was continued.

On taking the question, the majority was found against the motion of Mr. Page; after which the amendment suggested by Mr. Fitzsimmons was adopted.

by which the president

addressed,

Among the interesting points which were set. On the style tled in the first congress, was the question by should be what style the president and vice president should be addressed. Mr. Benson from the committee appointed to confer with a committee of the senate

CHAP. IH. on this subject reported, "that it is not proper to 1789. annex any style or title to the respective styles or titles of office expressed in the constitution ;" and this report was, without opposition agreed to in the house of representatives. In the senate, the report was disapproved, and a resolution passed requesting the house of representatives to appoint another committee, again to confer with one from the senate, on the same subject. This message being taken up in the house of representatives, a resolution, was moved by Mr. Parker, seconded by Mr. Page, declaring that it would be improper to accede to the request of the senate. Several members were in favour of this motion; but others who were opposed to receding from the ground already taken, seemed inclined to appoint a committee as a measure properly respectful to the other branch of the legislature.

After a warm debate, the resolution proposed by Mr. Parker was set aside by the previous question, and a committee of conference was appointed. They could not agree upon a report, in consequence of which the subject was permitted to rest; and the senate,* conforming to the pre*On the 14th of May the following entry was made on their journals by the senate.

"The committee appointed on the 9th inst. to determine under what title it will be proper for the senate to address the president of the United States of America, reported that in the opinion of the committee it will be proper thus to address the president...." His highness the president of the United States of America, and protector of their liberties," which report was postponed, and the following resolve was agreed to....

cedent already given by the house of represen- CHAP. III. tatives, addressed the president in their answer 1789. to his speech by the terms used in the constitution.

While the representatives were preparing bills for organizing the great executive departments, the senate was occupied with digesting the system of a national judiciary. This complex and extensive subject was taken up in the commencement of the session, and was completed towards its close.

In the course of this session was also brought Amendment forward a proposition, made by Mr. Madison, for tution prerecommending to the consideration and adoption ratified by of the states, several new articles to be added to the constitution.

Many of those objections to it which had been urged with all the vehemence of conviction, and which in the opinion of some of its advocates, were entitled to serious consideration, were be

"From a decent respect for the opinion and practice of civilized nations whether under monarchical or republican forms of government, whose custom is to annex titles of respectability to the office of their chief magistrate, and that on intercourse with foreign nations a due respect for the majesty of the people of the United States may not be hazarded by an appearance of singularity, the senate have been induced to be of opinion that it would be proper to annex a respectable title to the office of president of the United States. But the senate desirous of preserving harmony with the house of representatives where the practice lately observed, in presenting an address to the president was without the addition of titles, think it proper for the present to act in con formity with the practice of that house."

congress and the statesa

CHAP. III. lieved by the most intelligent to exist only in 1789. imagination, and to derive their sole support from

an erroneous construction of the instrument. Others were upon points on which the objectors might be gratified without injury to the system. To conciliate the affections of their brethren to

the government, was an object greatly desired by its friends. Disposed to respect what they deemed the errors of their opponents, where that respect could be manifested without a sacrifice of essential principles, they were anxious to annex to the constitution those explanations and barriers against the possible encroachments of rulers on the liberties of the people which had been loudly demanded, however unfounded, in their judgments, might be the fears by which those demands were suggested. These dispositions were perhaps, in some measure, stimulated to exertion by motives of the soundest policy. The formidable minorities in several of the conventions, which in the legislatures of some powerful states had become majorities, and the refusal of two states to complete the union, were admonitions not to be disregarded, of the necessity of removing jealousies however misplaced, which operated on so large a portion of society. Among the most zealous friends of the constitution therefore, were found some of the first and warmest advocates for amendments.

To meet the various ideas expressed by the several conventions; to select from the mass of alterations which they had proposed those which might be adopted without stripping the govern