turn Irish, of whom at this day parts are degenerated English, and of the remainder are of the Welch, and but of the old Biscainer's chased by the Goth's, and planted there by leave from England, and the best of these, as the O'Brians, and divers others, are become true English.

5. If Ireland continue so to drein away men (as between the years 1649, and 1653, above 50,000 soldiers) both that and England, and our plantations in America, may want men, whenas it may be so ordered as to help all the rest with supplies.

6. Those turned Irish are against improvement, ornament, the king's revenue, and interest there, the advancement of trade: all these are promoted by the English planters, who on any commotion, lose their improvements and stock (generally five times more worth than their lands) their wives and children driven into England in distress, moving a general pity of their calamity, in indignation against their oppressors.

Advantages by the Union.

1. The less army would serve (trained-bands might suffice) the English pale, there, not being compleatly four counties, for many years kept

itself against the rest of Ireland without, any great charge to England.

2. The English upon such evidence and ground of establishment and quiet in their possessions, a main point, (possest and dispossest, being a great foundation of differences there) in other things would be more disposed to any reasonable conformity, which their dependance upon England will oblige them to.

3. The Irish, being put from their hopes of having any more Irish parliaments, will be the easier disposed to English habit, language, building of chimney's, and other manner of English living, according to many of our statutes, still in force to that end; the want of all which things make the great consumption of the English there. Whilst this kind of union held de

facto in the late times, the Irish generally went to the English protestant churches, and did actually conform as above said.

4. Neither then would the great men of all parts there, as hitherto, be so concerned to expel their English tenants, and take in Irish, though at less rent, partly because they are more absolutely at their own command, and slavish; partly to keep up the pretence and necessity of a greater army, wherein their relations, servants, and dependents have convenient entertainments.

5. There is here the greater facility from the general use of the same laws in both kingdoms.

CHAP. XI.

The union between Great Britain and Ireland first brought under the notice of parliamentArguments for and against that measure-It is generally unpopular throughout IrelandAnimated debate of two and twenty hours in the Irish commons-Majority of one in favour of ministers-Proceedings in the British legislature Further discussions in the Irish Mr. Grattan accepts a seat to oppose it—The meḍsure carried.

THE incorporate union between England and

Ireland, was one of those measures which would necessarily greatly agitate the minds of men. Far removed from the character of a temporary or local question of politics, but, on the contrary, embracing in its extensive operation, the complicated interests of the whole nation, it inflamed men's minds to a degree of unprecedented fervour, The first hint of the intention of government was thrown out, in a publication entitled "Argu ments for and against a union between Great Britain and Ireland, considered," written, or procured to be written, by a Mr. Edward Cooke, the under secretary of the civil department. This

demi-official pamphlet was considered as speaking the language of administration; and accordingly the whole country took the alarm. In the course of two or three months, no less than thirty other pamphlets appeared, taking different sides and written with various ability. Meetings were also held in the metropolis and different parts of the. country, to protest against the measure. The gentlemen of the Irish bar convened a meeting on the 9th of December: to them the matter was of importance, for if the Irish parliament were annihilated, and a few of its members incorporated with the English legislature, it would cut them off from all hopes of political eminence as their professional avocations in Dublin, would not permit them to attend the sittings of parliament in England. The metropolis also was hostile to the measure because it justly feared that it would fall into decay when, by the removal of the legislature, there would be no longer the same influx of individuals, nor the same circulation of money; while a meeting at Galway, declared that the representatives had no power to vote away the independence of the realm. The nation, in fact, was agitated from one end to the other. The distinctions of catholic and protestant, Orangemen and Defenders, no longer prevailed. The whole population was divided into two distinct classes, UNIONISTS and ANTI-UNIONISTS. Government was sedulous to multiply its partizans by a very liberal and comprehensive system of corruption,

while the patriots were no less anxious to strengthen their cause by arguments and facts.

In the midst of this political ferment, parliament assembled on the 22d of January 1799. The viceroy's speech, after touching upon the late rebellion, the defeat of the French fleet off the coast of Ireland, by Admiral Warren, and the victories of Lord Nelson in Egypt, adverted specifically to the question of union, in the concluding paragraph. "The unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design, of endeavouring to effect a separation of this kingdom from Great Britain, must have engaged your particular attention, and his majesty, commands ine, to express his anxious hope, that this consideration joined to the sentiment of mutual affection, and common interest, may dispose the parliaments in both kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintaining and improving a connexion essential to their common security, and of consolidating as far as possible into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the power, and the resources of the British empire." An address was moyed in the lords which, as usual, was an echo of the speech; but an amendment was pro, posed by Lord Powerscourt, strongly reprobating the measure of a legislative union. The address, however, was voted by a large majority, though similar motions were made by Lord Glandore and Bellamont. In the commons the address was moved, by Lord Tyrone, though he desired it to