"forms against the common sense and "common interests of mankind; when all

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government is acknowledged to originate "from the people, and to be so far only obligatory, as it protects their rights "and promotes their welfare, we think it our "duty, as Irishmen, to come forward and "state what we feel to be our heavy grievance, "and what we know to be its effectual remedy.

"We have no national government. We

are ruled by Englishmen, and the servants "of Englishmen, whose object is the interest "of another country; whose instrument is "corruption; whose strength is the weakness "of Ireland; and these men have the whole of "the power and patronage of the country, as "means to seduce and subdue the honesty and "the spirit of her representatives in the legisla"ture. Such an extrinsic power, acting with. "uniform force, in a direction too frequently opposite to the true line of our obvious inter"ests, can be resisted with effect solely by unanimity, decision, and spirit, in the people

qualities which may be exerted most legally, constitutionally, and efficaciously, by that great measure essential to the prosperity and

"freedom of Ireland-an equal representation "of all the people in parliament,"*

That the reform here professed was rather an ostensible than real object, exhibited for the purpose of uniting reformers with revolutionists, appears from a letter, addressed on the occasion to his friends in Belfast, by Theobald Wolfe Tone, a lawyer of uncommonly high talents and industry, and one of the original framers of the institution, of which letter the following is an extract. "The foregoing " contains my true and sincere opinion of the state of this country, so [far as in the present "juncture it may be advisable to publish it. "They certainly fall short of the truth, but "truth itself must sometimes condescend to

temporise my unalterable opinion is, that "the bane of Irish prosperity is in the influ"ence of England; I believe that influence "will ever be extended while the connexion "between the two countries continues; never"theless, as I know that opinion is for the present too hardy, though a very little time may establish it universally, I have not made "it a part of the resolutions. I have only pro'posed to set up a reformed parliament as a

Appendix to the report, &c. No 2. of the House of Lords.

"barrier against that mischief, which every "honest man that will open his eyes, must

see, in every instance, overbears the interest "of Ireland. I have not said one word that "looks like a wish for separation, though I

give it to you and your friends, as my most "decided opinion, that such an event would "be a regeneration to this country."*

The association was extended in Dublin and the northern counties, with industry and success. The latter was greatly promoted by the displeasure occasioned by the French war,-a ministerial measure adopted apparently without reason, and so highly condemned by many in the nation, as to add prodigiously to the number of malcontents in both the British kingdoms. The rapacious insolence of the soldiery, also, which had been very unwisely overlooked, or not sufficiently restrained, in the first years of this war, was certainly not well calculated for the promotion of affectionate sentiments toward administration, in the lower classes of the people in general throughout the kingdom-In the marches of troops, on change of quarters, the horses of the farmers and peasants, pressed for

* Appendix to the report, &c. No. 2.

the carriage of baggage, were brought to unreasonable distances, and severely abused, unless money was given by their owners to procure better treatment. Sometimes the carts were lost, and various other inconveniences occurred. Where they halted in their march, the soldiers dispersed themselves over the neighbourhood, seizing horses of which they had no need, merely to force the owners to release them by payment of money.-The accommodation of soldiers billetted, was also severely felt by numbers, who were exposed to it from their situation; and great sums of money was extorted on this ground also.

Discontents rose high on account also of the militia bill, which enacted compulsory levies of soldiers for the internal defence of the kingdom. On a return of the names of the males in each district, of the military age, lots were drawn, and those on whom the chance fell, were obliged to enlist as soldiers for four years, to find substitutes, or pay fines. Some individuals, unable to pay, sustained the seizure and sale of their goods; and some, for intemperate expressions of discontent, were committed to gaol, and harshly treated. To make the bur

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then bear more equally, subscriptions were proposed and adopted, to raise money for the enlisting of soldiers; and these subscriptions were for the time, a heavy tax on peasants and citizens.

After a continued series of similar circumstances of violence and outrage, which our limits will not permit us to detail at present, the Lord Lieutenant issued his proclamation for disarming the inhabitants of the North of Ireland, on the 13th March 1796,* and on the 21st of the same month, Mr. Grattan, after a speech, delivered with his usual force of talent and briliant abillity, moved for an enquiry into the causes which produced this proclamation; but his motion was unfortunately rejected.

The persecutions in the North, which commenced early during this awful crisis, were so flagrant, and the conduct of many of the magistrates so contrary to law, that applications

An address of thanks to the Lord Lieutenant, was moved and carried in the legislature, for having issued this proclamation. In the debate on it, the great Lord Edward Fitzgerald arose, and said aloud in an angry tone,

"I give my most hearty disapprobation to this; for I do "think, that the Lord Lieutenant, and the majority of this "house, are the worst men in the kingdom."