« PreviousContinue »
tainty, this doubt, this veto of the civil rights morning we clothed him with the authority and gentleman who has for several years filled the bill, has made more sorrowful men and women with the emoluments of a brigadier general in office of sub-Indian agent for the Indians in the in this country than were ever made by any the Army, and we sent him to Nashville to northeastern part of Wisconsin. I am told that other man that has trod the continent. Sir, assist in defending one of the strategic points he has been asked to remove him from that the men that elected this Administration were in the great controversy that was going on. office, and to place in it a gentleman who has actuated by the loftiest motives that ever in The President of the United States alludes to been connected with the Army it is true, befluenced any people. They gave their children, that, I see, occasionally as an act which placed cause he has filled since 1861 or 1862 the office they voted their money, they gave their prayers him at a. point of imminent peril. Ay, Mr. of paymaster in the Army, paying troops at in November, 1864, for the reëlection of Mr. President, Nashville was a point of imminent different points—the city of Washington being Lincoln and the putting down of the rebellion, peril; in that day there was no point in the one, the city of Madison, in our own State, and the unity of the country, and the liberty United States which was not a point of immi- | being another, and, I believe, the city of St. of every man within the bounds of the Repub nent peril; but when we sent the present Pres. Louis, being the third-a faithful officer, no lic. They were God-fearing men and women, ident to Nashville we sent security with him ; || doubt, but I take it not coming within the too, who had given the years of their life to we planted our armies between him and the description of those officers to which our resoaspiration, to thought, to prayer, to action for enemy, a wall of adamant, and gave to Nash lutions and our laws referred when they called the freedom of all, and for the elevation of the ville the same security we gave to Washing- || for discrimination in their favor in the distrihumblest men within the bounds of the country. ton and to every other point within the national | bution of patronage. But, sir, I am told furWhen they have seen this hesitation, when lines. It was a place of peril because wide ther that the Representative from the district they have witnessed what we have witnessed || spread defection and treason had covered the in which this office is located, recognizing the during the last twelve months, when they have country with peril. That was all. But it was propriety of discriminating in favor of soldiers, realized the great loss of the opportunity, in not peculiarly perilous. We made that-not we did think that this paymaster, or ex-paymaster, the early summer, last year, to give impartial | who fill these seats, but this nation made Nash was not the most deserving soldier, and sugsuffrage and amnesty to the freedmen, and to ville as secure as any point. He staid there; Il gested that instead of his being appointed in the men who have been fighting against their | he did his duty; and grateful for that dutý || place of that agent whose removal was decided country, when they have witnessed all these | done, we said to him because he had been upon, one General Swett should be appointed, things their hearts have been wrung with a faithful over a few things we would make him who had been in the Army and had been in great sorrow not surpassed by the sorrow of ruler over many, and we did make him the the line and on the field, had been shot, not the four bloody years of war in which three Vice President of the United States, com to pieces, but had been crippled for life, had hundred thousand of their sons and brothers mended to us as I said before by the single displayed great gallantry, had been placed in gave their lives to their country. The Presi fact that he had been loyal in the beginning of command of Camp Douglas, near Chicago, and dent of the United States-I do not mean to the struggle, and he had been faithful to the in the discharge of his duty as such commandsay that he purposed or intended it, for I do one trust we had imposed in him as a general | ant, by his energy and by his activity, had really not believe he could be so ungrateful to the in the Army.
saved the city of Chicago from that conspiracy noble inen that elected him-I believe, upon It happened that when he had been made by which was developed there in 1864. I am told my conscience, has made more anxious nights, our votes Vice President a terrible disaster that it was proposed by the Representative of more troubied days, more bitter thoughts, more overtook the country and he became the Pres that district that this individual should be the agony and sorrow of honest, conscientious, God ident; and it happened that soon after he be recipient of this office instead of the ex-payfearing men and women of our country than came the President of the United States the master, and I am told that that proposition is were ever made by any other man that ever fact was developed that there was a difference | absolutely and peremptorily declined, and that lived. Upon my conscience I say that I be of opinion upon some points of policy between my colleague declincs it; and I am told that lieve Mr. Johnson has made more thoughtful the President and the great body of that party . he has obtained from the President-I recite men and women bow their heads in anxiety which had been instrumental in making him this as rumor; I do not vouch for the truth of and sorrow during the past year than did the President, upon questions which we thought, any of these statements; I speak of them here rebel chiefs during their four years of fire and and which we think, and which I for one know, because here they can be contradicted-a perblood.
are vital and fundamental, if there are any vital emptory order on the Secretary of the Interior Mr. HOWE. I listened to a declaration of and fundamental questions in American pol that the former agent be removed and that the my colleague just now that įnterested me very itics. We found that he was in harmony with ex-paymaster be appointed. deeply and rejoiced me considerably. I hope those who had opposed his election, and at Now, if that is so I am afraid, whatever may it will turn out to be entirely correct. I under variance with those who had given him his be the motive of the President, it will be unstood him to say that the President of the election, I am not here to discuss the right | derstood as being intended to favor political United States is peculiarly tolerant of political or the wrong of that difference, for this is not
opinion and not military service. I fear that opposition ; that in point of fact we never have the occasion; I have spoken upon it once and the more because I have been told that this had a President more tolerant than he; that he others have spoken upon it freely. I am not ex-paymaster was a member of the convention tolerates opposition even in the members of his here to arraign the sincerity of these opinions | in our State last fall and presided over the own Cabinet, and that he makes no removal of the President; this is not the occasion for deliberations of that body, to whose action my from office for opinion's sake. Now, Mr. that, if that sincerity is open to attack at all, | colleague has referred several times here as President, if this turns out to be so, I shall be which I do not say: But conceding him to be having had very important influence upon the very glad, I shall be exceeding glad, for I am sincere in his convictions of duty, this is the || action of the State and upon his action here. bound to say that of all the Presidents we thing, I say: that the President was bound to That fact being known in Wisconsin, if it be have ever bad in office, I think there is no one concede sincerity to those who differed with true that the President peremptorily orders his of them under such heavy obligation to be tol him, for they had shown that they were dis- | appointment instead of the appointment of this erant of opinions opposed to his own as the posed to have no personal controversy with wounded and crippled soldier, I am afraid it present President.
him ; they had shown that they were grateful will be understood as a removal for opinion's Sir, the relations between the present Presi for every political merit he had discovered, sake, or if not a removal for opinion's sake, an dent of the United States and the party which and I think they had shown as much magna appointment for opinion's sake. That is one inade him President are of a very peculiar | nimity as ever was exhibited in the conduct of fact which leads me to fear that there is great character. That party, you must remember, one party toward one who had been a leading | danger, in spite of what my colleague says, sir, is made up in the main of a body of men and a life-long opponent of theirs. He was
that this power of removal, if conceded to the against whom the President had been at war bound, I say, to concede sincerity to his oppo President, will be exercised for political and all his life until the great body of those men nents. I do not say that the President was partisan purposes. with whom he had acted all his life turned their bound to surrender his own convictions of There is another fact to which I wish to call backs
upon the Government and became trai duty because the party which made him Pres the attention of my colleague. I have my eye tors to it; and when that happened, the Presi ident took another view; but I do say he, of upon it now, and I will read it. I read it from dent of the United States declined to go with all the Presidents who ever lived, was bound
a newspaper, it is true, and perhaps as such it them any longer, stood by the flag as he had to be tolerant of this difference that existed and is not entitled to any consequence. always stood, remained true when thousands was developed in the body of the party which Mr. DOOLITTLE. What is the paper ? about him were false. That was the single made him President. That is why I say
that Mr. HOWE. It is the Wisconsin Union, fact which commended him to the confidence he of all men that have ever been put in the which is published at Madison. My colleague of that party which made him Vice President | presidential office was bound to exercise that is familiar with the paper, no doubt. I underof the United States. I say he was commended very toleration which my colleague tells us now stand that it is a paper which supports the to their judgments and to their confidence by he is going to exercise and is exercising. President's policy very vigorously. It copies the simple fact that he did not prove a traitor But, sir, as to the fact whether he has exer from the Journal the following. I read as it when thousands about him did. For that act cised that spirit of toleration or not, as to
appears in the Union : of simple fidelity, that is what it is, simply whether he will exercise it hereafter, I have
Mr. Rublee, of the Journal, writing from Washfidelity to his duty as a citizen, we were grate an event or two to refer to. My colleague says ington, gives the radical office-holders the following ful, profoundly grateful; and having proved in that he has made a few removals, not for opin pleasing assurance: 'Mr. ELDRIDGE (tho Reprethe very morning of the struggle that he was ion's sake, but to reward gallantry and fidelity
sentative of the fourth district) alleges that he and
a nutuber of others of his party were at the White disposed to stand by the old flag and to uphold exhibited in the soldiers of our Årmy. I am House on yesterday evening, and that the President the authority of the nation, we were led to told---my colleague knows whether my infor assured hiin that overy Federal office-lolder in Wisbelieve that he would stand there and thus to mation is correct-that among the removals
consin who does not sustain the President's policy the end of the struggle; and so in its very which he has been asked to make is cne of a
will be removed and those who sustain himn put in their places."
This organ may be mistaken; Mr. Eldridge people which filled up our armies and filled our
Mr. DOOLITTLE. On the night that quesmay not have told the truch; but I really think Treasury, we succeeded at last in winning the tion was up there were eighteen of our friends Mr. ELDRIDGE wonld not have made such a great victory, sustaining the Union, and crush who were for it, statement unless the President had made it to ing the institution of slavery. To crown that Mr. MORRILL. How does the Senator him, and I rather think this organ of the Pres. | great victory we brought forward the constitu• ascertain that fact? ident would not have published it if it had not tional amendment. My honorable friend from Mr. DOOLITTLE. Because I was present. believed it and approved it. I quoted, it will Missouri [Mr. HENDERSON] has the honor of | Perhaps the Senator from Maine was not in the be remembered, the other day a declaration | introducing it into this body. The Senator Senate that evening. which I have not heard refuted yet, not from from Illinois, [Mr. TRUMBULL,) as chairman Mr. MORRILL. I was in the Senate,rand the President, but from one who certainly sus. of the Judiciary Committee, has the honor of I participated in the opposition to the resolution tains the President most gallantly and most conducting it during its discussion here. I, ag that night. bravely, that no man should eat the Presi an humble member of this body, took part in Mr. DOOLITTLE. The only two material dent's bread and butter unless he did sustain that debate. Though the measure was intro- | points upon which the struggle was made were, the President's policy. There are papers lying || duced by the Senator from Missouri, it was my first, whether suffrage should be extended to on this table, if it were proper to allude to good fortune, and I look back to it with pride, the colored people of the South as a condition. them, which have given me further cause to to make in this body the first speech that was precedent to those States being recognized and distrust the entire accuracy of the statement made in favor of that amendment to the Con their representatives admitted ; and secondly, submitted by my colleague. I cannot refer to stitution.
whether those States were not subjugated prov: them in this connection.
From that hour until during the present inces, and no longer States in the Union, and I have thought it worth while to present session, when we have succeeded in carrying upon both these questions Mr. Lincoln's policy these two or three items, for I really feel that this amendment and having it adopted by three was precisely that of Mr. Johnson. Now, we my colleague may be mistaken; that the Pres fourths of all the States, I have looked forward have had a great division here for six months, ident will, if it is found that we agree to it, think with an eye single to the accomplishment of it is said, and when you come to your final it justifiable to insist upon making vacant all that great victory. I pressed it in this body report of the reconstruction committee upon places filled by those who do not sustain his and elsewhere; and when many of those gen these two points on which the controversy policy and to supply their places by those tlemen on this floor who now claim to be the began, yon find that they have abandoned both. who do.
special champions of freedom told me over and Mr. CONNESS. Mr. PresidentMr. DOOLITTLE. Mr. President, the other over again that we could neither carry the Mr. DOOLITTLE. No, sir, I will not yield day, in my absence from my seat, my colleague amendment through Congress nor carry it at present. I am arguing this point, and I prothought proper to present to the Senate certain through the States, my faith never faltered for pose to call the attention of the Senate to it. resolutions of the Legislature of Wisconsin that an instant. Here and elsewhere and every I say that in the report of the reconstruction were not addressed to this body, npon which | where, as both the Senators from Massachu- | committee they abandon universal or "imparthe body contd take no action whatever; resolu. setts well know, I insisted that we could carry tial" negro suffrage as a condition-precedent tions condemning me in the severest terms; the amendment in this body and carry it through to the recognition of these States and the admisresolutions instructing me to resign; and the || the House of Representatives, and that we sion of their representatives, and I say they grounds upon which they were placed were that I could carry it through the country and carry have abandoned the other proposition that I sustained the administration of President || it through three fourths of the State Legisla- | they are not States-that they are conquered Johnson. Is that what my honorable colleague | tures, and that the adoption of that amend or subjugated provinces. They admit them to calls toleration of a difference of opinion? Does ment would be the crowning, final, crushing, || be States, organized States, and propose to my colleague indorse those resolutions ? eternal victory over the rebellion by removing submit to their Legislatures the question upon
Mr. President, in regard to this great ques. forever the cause which had produced it. Sir, the ratification of amendments to the Contion of the relations the President bears to the steady to that purpose, with a faith which in stitution. party which elected him, my colleague falls darkness las no fear and in danger feels no Mr. President, my friend from Massachuinto a very great mistake in supposing that the doubt, I pressed on and on, in spite of oppo. setts says that ninety-nine out of every hundred party whiclı elected Mr. Johnson was the old sition here and elsewhere, until I have seen it of the Union party that elected Mr. Johnson Whig party. Not at all, sir, True, there | accomplished.
are against him on these questions. He will were a great many persons who had been in Now, Mr. President, in relation to the ques. find himself utterly mistaken. I can very well the Whig party before it was dissolved that tion upon which we are at present divided, I conceive that Mr. Johnson in relation to bis joined the Union party; but let me tell my when did this division begin? What did it friends now is very much like the position of colleague that in the organization of the Union begin about? Last spring, one year ago, every Mr. Lincoln to the Union party after he was party it was the Free-soil Democracy uniting | member of the Senate on the Republican side nominated at Baltimore, and before the Oppowith the elements of the dissolved Whig party but six-and I will name the men, and there sition had presented their platform at Chicago that made up that Union party which won the shall be no mistake about it-was in favor of and nominated their candidate. victory. the resolution recognizing Louisiana.
From the time of Mr. Lincoln's nomination From 1854 to the present hour there is not Mr. COWAN. Name them.
there was a wonderful opposition raised in the a single doctrine laid down in the platform of Mr. DOOLITTLE. Mr. President, in op ranks of the Union or Republican party. The the Union party to which Mr. Johnson has in position to that proposition stood the two Sen. Senator from Ohio [Mr. Wade) came out with the slightest degree proved false since he be ators from Michigan, (Mr. CHANDLER and Mr. his protest. It was rumored all over the conncame President of the United States. Sir, that Howard.] There was the Senator from Mas try that Mr. Lincoln was about to resign or party was organized in 1854, upon the dissolu- 1 sachusetts, [Mr. Sumner.] The other Senator withdraw as a candidate and give place to tion of the Den.ocratic party. The Democratic from Massachusetts [Mr. Wilson) was in its somebody else, and it was more than whispered, party dissolved on the repeal of the Missouri favor. The Senator from Missouri [Mr. Brown] too, by leading men on this floor connected compromise and the attempt to enforce slavery was opposed to it, and the Senator from Ohio, with the Republican party, that if a Democrat in the Territory of Kansas. Then that portion || [Mr. Wade.] Yes, sir, upon this question, l should be nominated at Chicago who was in of the Democratic party which was opposed to the very question and the only question upon favor of a prosecution of the war, they would the extension of slavery, uniting with members which there is a division between the President abandon Mr. Lincoln and give their adhesion of the Whig party entertaining the same sen and gentlemen now who claim that Congress to the Democratic candidate. But, sir, when timents, which party was already dissolved, is in opposition to him
the platform of the Opposition came to be preformed this great organization denominated the Mr. GRIMES. You do not mean the whole || sented, when the people came to look at the Republican party of the United States; and, Senate?
platform laid down at Chicago, Mr. Lincoln sir, the fundamental elements on which that Mr. DOOLITTLE. The whole Senate on was elected from that hour; the tide set instantly party was organized in 1851 were the union of this side that night, with the exceptions I have in his favor, and nothing could resist it. And the States, opposition to the extension of the nained.
I say to gentlemen now that you will find that institution of slavery, and the preservation to Mr. President, Mr. Lincoln, two years before instead of its being true as you say that ninety. each and every of the States of its supreme Mr. Johnson was elected Vice President, en nine in every hundred of the Republican party control over its own domestic institutions. In | tered upon this same policy. Mr. Johnson are opposed to Mr. Johnson, before the next 1856 the sole issue was the extension of sla was appointed to carry out this same policy | fall elections are over a majority of that party very; in 1860 it was the same issue.
substantially in Tennessee. I mean it was the will be with him, and very likely you among Then after the success of Mr. Lincoln as the same on the two questions and the only two them. Sir, I have seen since I have been here in chief of the Republican party we entered upon questions upon which there has been serious this body and a member of the Union party, another issue. What was it? A war to sus division
the question whether suffrage should almost as unanimousan opposition in the Union tain the Union against the secession of the || be extended to the colored people of the South South. As the war progressed slavery was put as a condition-precedent to these States com Mr. Johnson, and I have seen them come in, at stake, slavery was thrown into the scale; and ing back into the Union, and the other ques. and I expect to see them come in again. the question which in 1861 was, shall the Union tion
Mr. President, when gentlemen talk about be dissolved, shall the Government live or die, Mr. MORRILL. Will the Senator allow me ruling Mr. Johnson and me out of the Union was changed in 1863 to the question whether a moment? I wish to ask him if I am to un party, or crowding us off the Union platform slavery or the Union shall die. Sir, under the derstand him to maintain that the Senators to on which he was elected and on which I helped administration of Mr. Lincoln and the super: whom he has alluded, and whom he has named, to elect him, they know but little of Mr. Johnintending providence of Almighty God, and were the only persons opposed to the resolu son or of ine. I do not yield the platform on noxt to that the patriotism of the American || tion for the admission of Louisiana last year? ll which I stand, whoever may abandon it. I do
not yield it whoever may come upon it. Par Administration now in power. I believe it. the Congress of the United States. Sir, our ties in opposition to principle are to me. noth If Mr. Johnson has erred at all, it has been in friends here sometimes overlook and do not ing more nor less than mere means to an end. being too tolerant, not merely of opposition || fully comprehend, in my judgment-I say it When you ask me or undertake to drive me to of opinion, but of opposition in the shape of with all respect-that deep-seated feeling there abandon the ground on which we have elected the most vilifying, wicked, unfounded, libel is existing among the great mass of the people our Administration, I will be no more bound ous abuse which has been thrown upon him of the North. My friend from Massachusetts by your party ties than is flax when it is touched
from one end of the country to the other by | is utterly mistaken when he thinks that ninetywith fire. But, sir, when you argue with me newspapers whose editors or proprietors were nine hundredths of the Republican party, as it a principle you will find me there every time. || holding office under the Government. In rela is called, or the Union party, are with him on Though professed Republicans may abandon tion to some of those matters, neither you nor this question. He will find himself utterly the platform, and though professed Democrats || I, if we had the responsibility of the execu mistaken if he relies on any such anticipation. may abandon their party and come on to my tive department upon us, would tolerate that I had hoped that this question would have platform, I will not abandon it.
kind of personal abuse. It is unbecoming to been voted upon long ago. I know that this Now, Mr. President, let us look at this allow it.
discussion has taken a wide range and made matter a little as reasonable men.
But, sir, in relation to Mr. Johnson, as I many digressions-digressions which perhaps ized in this great campaign. We fought the have said, he, like other men, may err; but I ought to regret, and which certainly I will battle through. We vanquished all opposition. for three years to come he is to be our Presi not continue by any longer trespassing on the We captured the rebellion, and with it we dent, the President of our choice, the President time of the Senate. captured the Democratic party also. They in whose hands, to a considerable extent, the Mr. WILSON. Mr. President, the Senator surrendered unconditionally to our Adminis destinies of this country are necessarily placed; | from Wisconsin seems to have addressed his tration, to our principles, to our platform, and and within the next three years to come we remarks to me pledged themselves to its support, both North must settle all these great questions, and we Mr. CONNESS. I rise to a question of and South. These are the facts. Now what must dispose of our pending relations with order. would a wise general do? What shall we do Mexico and with Great Britain. In what con The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. ANTHONY with this great victory? Shall we be afraid of dition are we placed now, with these States all in the chair.) The Senator will state his point it and run away, or shall we stand fast by our unrepresented, with the people growing more
of order. priuciples and the position we have taken, and
Mr. CONNESS. It is that this discussion master the situation ourselves? That is the of the South as well as those who have been has no relation whatever to the question before question. I know that the Democratic party in war against us—for the reason that for six the body. It has proceeded for nearly two as such, being completely vanquished with our long months here you have turned your back || hours, and gentlemen rise here and occupy the success in the capture of the rebellion, have upon representatives as loyal as any man who entire time in repeated speeches upon interpocome forward and admit that our ground is the sits upon this floor, some of whom have been lations introduced by themselves. If we are right ground. Do they say now that the war wounded upon the battle-field while serving | going to consume the day in this kind of debate is a failure? Not at all. They declare that it the cause of the country, and treated them pre. I propose that there be an opportunity given to is a glorious success. Do they now say that cisely as you would treat the disloyal of the more than the Senator from Wisconsin and the they are in favor of the institution of slavery South. They become aggrieved; they become Senator from Massachusetts. I propose that or extending it, or allowing it to be extended? || discontented and disappointed; their hearts we shall not listen constantly to the speech of Not at all. They are rejoicing that slavery is are failing within them; and, as Mr. Lincoln the 17th of January repeated here upon every abolished. They come forward and avow in | said would occur, we, by turning our backs appropriation bill or other bill that may be all their newspapers and in all their resolutions upon them, are doing all in our power to demor introduced; and I ask either that the discusand in all their party creeds precisely what we alize, disperse, and disorganize our friends in sion be confined to the question before us, or avowed in the campaign of 1864. Is not that the South. What condition, I ask, are we in that it be more general than it is. a victory? Will you run away from your own if we should have (what may come upon us at
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The discusvictory? Why could we not as men have any hour) difficulties growing out of our rela sion certainly does not relate to the subject stood up by the side of our President, whom tions with Mexico? Suppose that, from our before the Senate, but under the practice of we had cliosen, who stood precisely on the complications there, we are involved in a war the Senate the Chair does not feel authorized ground on which we placed him, in whom with Austria or France, or both together, what to rule it out of order. A wide range of debate there has been no variableness on this ques condition are you in to call upon the people has always been allowed in the Senate. tion, no shadow of turning, but moving right of the South to come up to aid you in the great Mr. WILSON. It is very seldom that I ever on? Why could we not have stood by him conflict? I tell you, Senators, it is our duty say anything on these questions; I have occuand reaped all this great victory, built up the to close up this question. What is the effect pied scarcely an hour during the whole of the Union party of the country, and held its of the proposition before us, reported from the session ; and I am very much surprised that administration for a quarter of a century? committee on reconstruction? Is there a man the Senator from California, who occupies
Mr. President, the whole secret was told by on this floor who believes that that proposi more time than any other member of the Senthe frank, open-hearted, manly Senator from tion, if it be submitted to the several States, ate, should make a point of order of this char. Ohio [Mr. WADE) when he made his answer to will be adopted by a majority, much less by acter. I did desire at this time to reply to a the speech which I delivered in this body on three fourths of them? Who believes if we few of the remarks made by the Senator from the 17th of January. What did he say? He should submit it that it would be so adopted? | Wisconsin; but as the Senator froin California said that he agreed with Mr. Johnson in all he I do not think there is any man who can be has raised this point of order, if it is the wish had done; he found no fault with what he had lieve it. If they will not adopt it, what, then, is of the Senate to close this discussion, I shall done; he had proceeded upon the policy of our the effect? Instead of being reconstruction it forego that answer. party, upon the policy of Mr. Lincoln, and had is obstruction to the restoration of the States Mr. COWAN. It is very well known that improved upon the policy of Mr. Lincoln; and, and of the Union.
I never interfere in discussions of this kind, said that Senator, in substance, the only thing Mr. President, I do not care to be drawn or very rarely, at least, because I know that which remains to be done to put the key-stone into a discussion of these party questions. I the effect of them is not to convince anybody in the arch is universal, impartial negro suffrage || foresaw in certain movements that took place | but perhaps to widen the breach. I only rise in the South. With that the whole policy of in the beginuing, that it was war on the Ad now for the purpose of correcting some errors Mr. Johnson would have been complete. That ministration and intended as war on the Admin into which the honorable Senator from Massawas the point of difference. It began at the istration by some who took part in it; and fear chusetts (Mr. Wilson) has fallen in the exbeginning of this session with that, and with ful of the result I have struggled from the cess of his zeal, and, I may say, in the excess the resolution that my colleague brought in, || beginning to avoid it, to endeavor if possible of his hostility to the President. that we must treat these States as Territories, and by every means to have our friends in Con The honorable Senator from Massachusetts that we must provide provisional governments | gress and the President of the United States || belongs to one wing of the Republican party; for them as Territories. These two ideas were act harmoniously and act together on these I belong to the other wing. We had the Presithe ideas that began this war upon the Presi. great questions. The system of policy which dent heretofore, and he had to put up with it; dent and upon his policy. The President had Mr. Johnson inherited from Mr. Lincoln had we have got the President now, and he has made no war upon anybody. He had made no been in operation for years. He presented it. I got to put up with it. war upon anybody's policy or position. He You have not presented any better policy. Mr. WILSON. I should like to see the had simply in his first message, and every sub- | Something must be done. This policy of the wing to which the Senator belongs. sequent act of his has conformed to that, brought | President must be accepted, certainly, unless Mr. COWAN. The honorable Senator will forward the true state of the case. He was the there is a better policy. We must do some find the wing this fall, and it will be such a executor of Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln, in his thing. Why not then come up, one and all, | wing as will sweep him and his faction out of last speech, from which I before read an
and take hold of this matter? I can assure my existence, or I am very much mistaken in the extract in this body, about three days before friend from Massachusetts that the people of signs of the times. te may succeed up in his assassination urged upon the country this country, now that the war is over, demand Massachusetts, or along there, but he will not this policy.
peace, and will have it, and that it shall be succeed anywhere else, I think, very well, with But, Mr. President, în relation to the power peace in reality and not a mockery. They || all the bluster and parade that he makes as of appointment, I said to my colleague that demand the union of these States, not their though he and his set were the whole Repubwithin my recollection, now thirty years of disunion. They demand reconstruction, not
lican party political a trairs, I have never known an Admin obstruction. They demand, and will have, the The Senator to day has descended into matistration more tolerant of opposition than the Il loyal representatives of the southern States in ters which more properly belong to the execu•
tive sessions of this body. He has charged extra judice, beyond the rule; but I wish to say the Senate. When an amendment has been the President here-with what, pray? A de to the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, offered to an appropriation bill and it was sign to betray the Republican party? [Mr. because it illustrates the folly of this persistent objected that it was a private claim, the Chair Wilsos shook his head.] To betray was the quarrel that is kept up upon the President of has often submitted that question to the Sen. word; and I speak it knowing what I do speak the United States and which has been brought ate for its decision ; but I have no recollecand understanding what I do say, and I speak into the body
tion, and I think the Senator from Maine will it more in sorrow than in anger, that in this Mr. SHERMAN. In compliance with the 1 find it difficult to produce a case, where, on party of ours for some time it has been the demand of the Senator from Pennsylvania I a question of debate, when the whole subject fashion, when anybody differed from certain send the point of order in writing to the Chair ; was up, when a bill was under consideration gentlemen upon this side, there was no toler and I should like to have the Senator comply and a Senator was discussing that bill, he was ance of a difference of opinion; there was no with the rules as he enforced them against me. ever called to order in the Senate of the Uniterm too liarsh to be applied to the recusant. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator ted States for the irrelevancy of his remarks, Any man of sense could have seen that that from Ohio raises the following point of order: and the question was submitted to the Senate was a very handsome way to keep up a party, "The point of order is, that the remarks of as to whether he should go on or not. I. conparticularly when that party had its platforms | the Senator from Pennsylvania are not perti sider it a very important matter in this body to promulged to the world; when they were written nent to the question before the Senate." undertake to limit debate. The Senator from down and before the world, and could be read, Mr. HOWE. Would a motion that the Sen Pennsylvania must be the judge himself of what and when the people themselves had pronounced ator from Pennsylvania have leave to proceed | latitude he thinks proper to indulge in; and be in order?
although I am quite willing to give him leave Now, I say to the honorable Senator from The PRESIDING OFFICER. Not until to proceed in order, as some one has suggested, Massachusetts, and all those who hold similar the point of order has been decided. The point || I insist that he has a right to proceed and disopinions with him—I trust there are not many of order is undoubtedly well taken according to cuss this bill and make such a speech as he who will be so unguarded in their language as the rules of the Senate, but under the practice thinks proper, and that there is no rule that he has been-that so far from the President and the wide range of debate that has always has ever been enforced in the Senate to deny
betraying the Republican party, if its written | been allowed in the Senate, the Chair does not him that right. I should be very sorry at this • records are to be evidence of what it believes feel that he would be following the precedents day to see a majority of the Senate decide that
and what it thinks, the President to-day stands in deciding that the Senator is out of order. the Senator from Pennsylvania is out of order upon its platform firmly. Take that platform, || The Senator from Pennsylvania will proceed, | because in their opinion his remarks are irrele. produce your articles, bring forward your res unless the Senator from Ohio appeals from the vant to the particular point under consideraolutions, and show where he has violated a decision of Chair.
tion. The whole bill is now open before the single one of them; and when you do I will Mr. SHERMAN. I simply want it to be Senate. We are discussing an amendment to undertake to show upon this floor, and I will understood, because, having this bill in charge, an appropriation bill, which, in my judgment, show it beyond the possibility of a denial, that I wish to do my duty, and I think it is the duty | properly entitles any Senator who thinks proper it is the honorable Senator, and those who of the Chair to submit the question to the to indulge in remarks-he must be his own believe with him, who never were inembers Senate and let us be governed by the will of judge as to the propriety of them-in making of the party, who never ought to have belonged the Senate. I believe that has been the usual šuch remarks as he thinks proper, not, of to it, and were the burden that it has always course on such questions.
course, violating the rules of the Senate in what carried; that they are those who caused the The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair he says; but so far as relevancy is concerned, divergence; they are those who, carried away will follow that suggestion and submit the point || he is to judge of that. into these new schemes and these new projects, of order to the Senate.
Mr. SHERMAN. I have now the rule, and have split it and divided it. I understand the Mr. TRUMBULL. I hope before that is I will read it to the Senate. It is a rule that is Senator belongs to a party who discard plat- | done
very rarely referred to, because we do not look forms, who discard the belief of yesterday The PRESIDING OFFICER. That is to these questions closely: a party of progress, who boast, "Are we not done.
"7. If any member, in speaking orotherwise, trangwiser to-day than we were yesterday? Have Mr. TRUMBULL. The Chair decides to gress the rules of the Senate, the Presiding Officer we not learned something in the experience submit it to the Senate ?
shall, or any member may, call to order; and when of the past ?”! I should be glad if they had. The PRESIDING OFFICER. To submit
a member shall be called to order by the President
or a Senator, he shall sit down, and shall not proceed Nowit to the Senate.
without leave of the Senate." Mr. SHERMAN. As the time for an ad Mr. TRUMBULL. The Senator from Ohio
That settles that question. journment is approaching, I rise to a point of assumes that that is usually done. I have
"And every question of order shall be decided by order.
never known it to be done in the eleven years the President without debate, subject to an appeal to The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Sena that I have been a member of the Senate. the Senate; and the President may call for tho sense tor will state his point of order.
Mr. SHERMAN. I think it is the rule. of the Senate on any question of order." Mr. SHERMAN. I ask if there is any lim Mr. TRUMBULL. Never on a question And my impression is that it is usual for the itation upon debate in the Senate.
like this. This is the first time that it has ever Chair to submit a question of order to the SenMr. COWAN. I ask the Senator to put his been done.
ate. On the question of practice I may not point of order in writing. I believe that is the Mr. FESSENDEN. The Senator is out of be correct. Senators who are older than I am rule.
order unless he appeals from the decision of can speak as to that. Mr. SHERMAN. I will do so; but in the the Chair.
Several SexATORS. Not on a question of mean time I call on the Senator to take his seat. Mr. TRUMBULL. The Chair has not relevancy. I am now serious. This debate has been con decided.
Mr. SHERMAN. That is the general par: tinued for five or six days, and I hope we shall Mr. FESSENDEN. It is to be left to the liamentary law. How far that is to be enforced be allowed to come to a vote. Senate.
in the Senate, is a matter for the Senate to Mr. COWAN. I will change the subject and Mr. TRUMBULL. Very well; I have a determine. I do not wish to be discourteous speak to another point. The honorable Sena right to argue it.
to my friend from Pennsylvania, but this ques. tor from Massachusetts has told the Senate Mr. FESSENDEN. No, sir.
tion has been before us for five or six days, Mr. SHERMAN. I ask that the rule be Mr. TRUMBULL, I insist that I have. and I want to have it disposed of. enforced, and that the Senator take his seat Mr. FESSENDEN. I make the point of Mr. TRUMBULL. A point of order on a until the point of order is disposed of. order that the Senator has no right to argue | question of relevancy is never submitted to the
Mr. COWAN. I clearly have a right to the question unless he takes an appeal from Senate. reply to personal matter. the decision of the Chair.
Mr. CLARK. If the Senator from Ohio The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Sena Mr. TRUMBULL. The Chair has not de. will allow me, I will suggest to him that he had tor from Ohio rises to a point of order. cided it, and I have a right to argue how it shall better, in this case, withdraw his point of order, Mr. SHERMAN. The Senator must take be decided.
because there can be no general rule on a queshis seat, and I will reduce the point of order Mr. FESSENDEN. That is for the Chair tion of this kind. You may in this case decide to writing: The Senator made his point on to settle. I understand the Chair has made a that the Senator from Pennsylvania is out of me, and I insist that the rule shall be enforced. decision that it shall be left to the Senate. order, but that does not decide that any other
Mr. COWAN. I propose to ask leave of the Mr. TRUMBULL. And now I can argue Senator is out of order until the Senate take Senate to reply to that part of the remark before the Senate how it shall be decided. the question on that particular case.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The rules The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair Mr. SHERMAN. I am perfectly willing to require that the Senator from Pennsylvania submits the point of order to the Senate, but withdraw it. The only reason wliy I insisted shall resume his seat until the Senator from that is not a decision, and the Senator from upon it so far was that the Senator from PennOhio has stated his point of order.
Illinois has a right to argue the question. sylvania took the technical objection that I must Mr. COWAN. But I ask leave to proceed Mr. TRUMBULL. Now, I wish to say reduce my point of order to writing, and that upon a new subject.
Mr. COWAN. I believe I have the Hoor. being unusual, I thought I would insist on the Several SENATORS. That is unnecessary. Mr. TRUMBULL. On this question I be enforcement of the rule. Mr. COWAN. I will waive it.
lieve I have the floor. Sir, I would not have The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair Mr. TRUMBULL, (to Mr. Cowan.) You interfered with this question of order at all but did not insist that the point of order should be have a right to say what you please.
for the remark which fell from the Senator from reduced to writing. The Senator from Ohio Mr. COWAN. I agree with my friend from Dlaine or the Senator from Ohio, that it had had a right to state it without reducing it to California [Mr. Conness] that this has all been il been usual to submit a question of this kind to ll writing.
Mr. SHERMAN. The Senator from Penn intend any offense to the Senator. I supposed | and doleful trains of which the Senator has sylvania insisted on the point of order being I was doing that which I had a right to do, and told us; and whether he wishes to make himreduced to writing, which was very unusual. which could not be regarded as offensive by self the conduit, the mouth-piece, by which to Mr. COWAN. The words on which you any Senator.
convey insult and infamy to this man's chilmade your point of order.
Mr. COWAN. I have but a single word to dren when the grave closes over both him and Mr. CLARK. Allow me to say that on that say.
I suppose that the debate was out of the Senator from Massachusetts. Sir, the rule point I think the Senator from Pennsylvania | order, according to the rules of this body. I was that prosecution should be free, but that was wrong. When a Senator is called to order think the whole of it was logically out of order. defamation never should be free. Let him for words spoken in debate, because they are That is logically out of order which considers who charges a crime upon his fellow-man go opprobrious or improper, then they are to be persons instead of questions. The question to the law. If it is a crime at all it is a crime reduced to writing, but not in a case of this here is as to the authority of the President and against the law; and when charges are to be kind. I think the point of order had better be the propriety of the exercise of certain powers made of this infamous character let the law be withdrawn, and let the debate go on.
on his part. The range of the debate is wide | appealed to, let the prosecution be free, but let Mr. SHERMAN. I withdraw it.
enough to include all Presidents and all power the defamation be limited, not only by the law, Mr. GRIMES. I object to the withdrawal and all Governments, and all that kind of thing. but by the restraints which every gentleman of the point of order, because I want to have I think the divergence was on the part of the and every man of honor feels ought to regulate this question settled. Senators from Wisconsin. I think
him in his intercourse with his fellow-man. Mr. CLARK. It settles nothing.
unless it be in executive session, in which the Mr. President, as I said at the outstart-and Mr. GRIMES. I want to have it settled for person of anybody is introduced or the mo I trust it is not more out of order than a great hereafter. Several times during this session tives of anybody as a person is introduced is many things which have occurred in this debate when a Senator has been debating a question out of order; and it is out of order for the plain, -the honorable Senator belongs to one wing here and arguing it as he chose to argue it, | palpable reason that it destroys all order and of the Republican party; I belong to the other. somebody has got up and raised a point of becomes disorder, and does not conduce in any I have no uncharitableness for him and the order that he was out of order. I have never way to the ends of truth.
people who believe with him. I may believe seen it done until this winter, and I want to My friend from Massachusetts is entirely that their doctrines are erroneous, that their have a stop put to it.
mistaken in the instances which he gives. He || projects for the future are mischievous and Mr. CLARK. The Senator from Iowa will states that a soldier was removed in the city will result in evil, but I have no crimes to allow me to suggest to him that taking this of Philadelphia to make way for an enemy of charge upon them. The sure harbinger of question now will decide nothing with regard the party. I need not say to the Senate, be the downfall of any party which resorts to that to it. I have never known it done before, and cause it will learn that in due time, that this is means to bolster itself up is to be found in the I presume it will not be done again, if this utterly, totally, and entirely untrue, not that I means itself. The man who stands firmly and point of order is withdrawn, any more than if mean to say that the Senator from Massachu- || strongly upon a good cause and upon the juswe were to vote upon it. I think if, by gen setts knows that it is so; but the real truth of tice of it never turns aside from the question eral consent, the point of order is withdrawn, the matter is, that the person appointed is as to argue the personal character of his oppoand the debate is allowed to go on, Senators radical, according to his record, and more rad nent, for one of the best reasons in the world: will keep themselves within the ordinary rule ical than the honorable Senator from Massa the personal character of the opponent has of parliamentary law. They must, in a great || chusetts, with all his radicalism, dare be; and nothing to do with it. The logic of a bad man measure, be allowed to judge for themselves he comes here indorsed, I think, with all the is not necessarily bad logic because it comes what is proper.
radicalism that has ever prevailed in the coun from his mouth; nor is the logic of a good man Mr. SUMNER. I wish to call the attention try, all of which will be disclosed in proper necessarily good logic because it proceeds from of the Senate to a debate that is historic, per time by my friend from Oregon, [Mr. Wil the mouth of a pure man. It is only weak haps the greatest debate that ever occurred in LIAMS, ) to whom the case is committed. people who resort to those indices; and whenthis Chamber, known as that between Mr. Web Now, with regard to the other appointment, ever you find a man resorting to them it is a ster and Mr. Hayne. Senators will remember the gentleman who was marshal of western sure evidence that he is not competent to dethat that occurred on a simple resolution relat- | Pennsylvania was a gentleman of my profes- cide upon the true. But has it come to this in ing to the disposition of the public lands. Onsion, a friend of mine; and I may say for him the Senate of the United States, that we are to the consideration of that resolution, the whole that he is as honorable, as upright, and as leave questions for personal motives and for a question of the relations between the North and good a man as there is in the country. He has personal consideration of the characters of South was opened ; also the question between held that office for three or four years without those who choose to advocate this or that doc. the rights of the States and the General Gov the slightest stain upon his reputation or his | trine? ernment, and the original formation of the credit in any way. The gentleman who has Mr. President, I simply rose to say this much. national Constitution, all of which were most been appointed to take his place, instead of I had not intended to say a word as long as the thoroughly discussed by Mr. Webster in at least being a civilian, is a soldier, has been a soldier | debate was confined to its legitimate limited two separate speeches. I am not aware that through the war; and what I rose especially | range, because I supposed everybody had made on that occasion any one undertook to call Mr. for was to caution my friend from Massachu up his mind on that point, and I did not attempt Webster to order by saying that he must con setts about the too liberal use of the vocabu to influence anybody; but when the honorable fine himself to the consideration of the public lary of the English language which is used to Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe] got up lands. I take it, that debate may be consid- designate crime. He said to the Senate here, and undertook to dive into the secret machinery ered as having practically settled in this Cham in opon session, that this man bad committed by which the President of the United States ker that a discussion may be made a departure, | acts which, but for the interference of friends, was guilty of ingratitude to him and his set, if I may so express myself, from the original | would have sent him to the penitentiary. Í and when the honorable Senator from Massatopic; but that departure must always be reg. think the honorable Senator is a just man; at chusetts undertook to state boldly that the party ulated by the good sense and the discretion of least he talks largely of justice here. I think was betrayed hy ihe President, and when parthe Senators who take part in it.
he is a charitable man. I think, when he man ticular instances were given, it was utterly imMr. CONNESS. With the permission of the ifests such extraordinary affection for an alien | possible to sit still and allow those things to go Senator from Pennsylvania, I desire to say one race and for an oppressed people, he would to the country without attempting to send along word. I understood the Senator from New not hurt his brother.
with them an antidote, however feeble it may be. Hampshire to say that a question of order aris But, sir, it is the fashion of the times; these I have only to say further, that one day we ing out of the latitude debate had taken and words' come so glibly upon the tongue, and shall wake up from this delusion by finding that the inappropriateness of the debate to the sub they are held to be of so little import here, || if we undertake to govern an empire of the size ject had never been raised in the Senate before. that a reputation is stabbed as though it were of this, including so many States as this does, I think the Senator was in error in that state as vile trash as that which fills a purse. Let so many varieties of men, so many interests ment. I have several times since I have been the honorable Senator reflect for one moment clashing with one another, we shall have to be here heard such questions of order made. upon the gross injustice of such a charge as much more charitable to one another, and we
Mr. CLARK. Questions of order have been this, made here openly, in broad day, to the shall have to be much more tolerant of diverraised upon particular motions, such as a mo American people; and let him reflect that he | gent opinions, and to yield ours, when it be tion to commit or a motion to take up a subject, makes it of a soldier-a soldier, I can tell him, comes necessary, for the common security and where the debate is always limited; but upon who, after this disgrace of his, rode the raid the common peace. As was well said by my a general debate like this I never knew a ques with Sheridan, and fought the battles in the friend from Wisconsin, [Mr. DOOLITTLE,) what tion made.
valley. In my country, whether this charge the nation wants now is peace, not war. What Mr. CONNESS. I wish simply to say, in l be true or be not true-I know nothing of it it wants now is repose, and not factious and conclusion, without intruding on the time of no man would dare to charge that appointee to turbulent activity. What it wants is a restorathe Senator from Pennsylvania, that I had no his face with a crime that would render him tion of law and order, obedience to the Constiintention certainly to raise the question for the infamous. No man, whether he believes it or tution and to the recognized authorities of the first time, but supposed I was following the not, would charge that until it was properly | land ; that crimination and recrimination shall ordinary path that was pursued here, as the investigated upon a presentment by à grand cease; the past be forgiven; that by.gones be debate had taken a very wide course. I drew jury and a verdict of the fellow-citizens of the by-gones; and that if there is to be retribution, upon myself remarks, somewhat personal, from guilty man. I put it to Senators whether this if the hand of retribution has not fallen upon the Senator from Massachusetts, and which I is the place where a man's reputation may be the nation heavily enough now, North and think had better not have been made by him, torn to tatters; where his wife may be made South, when there is hardly a family throughas they were not strictly correct. I did not to weep for shame among the other weeping out the length and breadth of the land that is