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Senate. All I have to say upon that (not feel duties of such offices; but take care, be sure, any appointment to injure you. Certainly they ing much interest in it as a party man or per- | you give them to friends who will support you will not countenance any appointments in favor sonally) is simply that it has not been done | sincerely, honestly, and vigorously in the war of the Democratic party. Sir, let me tell you, from the foundation of the Government up to being waged against you; and the honorable that it would take more faith than it requires the present time, under any Administration, Senator from Nevada to-day seemed to talk as to remove mountains to cause me to believe however hotly war has waged between Con if there was such a war. He knows more about that the present Secretary of State of the Unigress and the President of the United States. the secrets of the Republican camp than I do. ted States, who so long has fought the DemoWhen the President of the United States was He ought to know all about that fact. He says, cratic party, and wbo, by the by, I consider a Whig, a Democratic Senate and House of “Give us a platform and we can fight." Whom the cause of a great deal of the evil that has Representatives never attempted to take from is the honorable Senator going to fight? I been brought upon this country, is going to him this power of removal from office as it thought from wbat I heard in this Chamber that forsake your standard and rally to the Demohas existed ever since the foundation of the the Democratic party was dead and buried; we cratic standard. He is going to do no such Government. When your President was a have heard that often enough. Surely you are thing. But suppose he should, what then?. Democrat and your Congress Whig, they never not preparing a platform now to fight this dead | Some few men might follow; but I march unattempted to deprive him of this power. party: Then it must be a platform to be used der no captains manufactured out of divine
Let me ask gentlemen, what is the great rea in this war between the President and Con Stantons'' and bell-ringing Sewards, and other son for doing it now? If amid the hot conflicts gress; and as to the side on which my friend men that I might name. You have them. of party in former days it was not found neces from Nevada is in that fight, a doubt was inti You have got to keep them. You need not sary thus to stigmatize the President of the mated by my honorable friend from Wisconsin. expect to get clear of them. Make war upon United States, (for it is nothing but an at A word more on the subject before the Sen them if you choose, because in making war tempted stigma upon him,) wliat great public | ate, in reference to the question of justice and upon the President of the United States you emergency demands it at this late hour? Do | propriety: You should remember that I am will make war upon his Cabinet. you dare question the actions of your own speaking impartially in reference to this matter. The Democratic party will not be driven President?' When I questioned some of the I have no interest in it whatever as a party from their support of the Chief Magistrate of acts of the late President of the United States, man; but I ask you as a matter of justice, the United States, whom they believe to be I heard the epithets" copperhead” and “trai should not the President have the privilege of patriotic, and who in their judgment means tor” rolling thick and fast wherever I went. surrounding himself with a few friends? From well, though he may be surrounded by men who Only two or three brief years ago if any man what I have heard of the appointees of the have warred upon that party all their lives, and questioned the infallibility of the acts of Abra former President of the United States, very few whom the Democratic party have always fought; bam Lincoln, if he had not one, two, or three of them are the friends, as I suppose, of the but they will support him in every act that they plates of copper upon his head it was because present Executive. Now, would it not be just, believe right, and in giving that support they the tongue of slander could not place it there. would it not be magnanimous on the part of are not animated or governed by any mere But now, sir, having a President of your own this great party, that is going to make war on party considerations, but it is from a love of election, of your own choice, you attempt to the President, if it is going to make war, to country and devotion to the country, and bedeprive him of the power which has been here give him the privilege of selecting a few friends cause they believe that his policy will conduce tofore admitted to belong to the Executive from to be around him? Certainly it is usual to more to the interests of the country than your the foundation of the Government. T'or myself allow a dying man to be surrounded by a few policy will. Although I know I differ with I feel no interest in it as a party man. I have friends to comfort him in his dying moments. gentlemen on this floor who say they are so triyet to find that the present Executive of the If the President be so weak that he has not one umphantly strong in this country, I believe toUnited States has appointed the first Democrat per cent. of the party that elected him as you day that the Democratic party, numbers more to office; and let me take occasion to say that say, can you not afford to let him take a few. than one half of the constitutional voters of while I consider it a pleasure and a pride to of that one per cent. to take counsel with, and the United States in the States which nerer be the personal friend of the President of the to comfort him in his affliction?
seceded ; and, sir, now that your bayonets are United States, and while I approve and indorse Whiy, sir, look at the history of removals in removed from the polls, now that men can vote fully every constitutional and patriotic effort this country. When John Adams came into freely and act freely, we will hang our banner that he has made to restore the harmony of office there was no occasion for any removal on the outer wall, and give it to the god-storms, this country, and again to cause us to be a of appointees under General Washington's the tempest, and the breeze, and we are not happy and a united people, I am looking for Administration ; but when Thomas Jefferson afraid to meet the united hosts of the Republi. my party to no crumbs that fall from the presi came into oflice there was some occasion for can party in the next presidential election. At dential table. Neither, sir, is the Democratic them, because then all the offices were filled by the same time, sir, Andrew Johnson may-and party looking for those crumbs; they did not persons opposed to a majority of the people that is what you are afraid of-Andrew Johnvote for him; they have no right to demand of the United States. Mr. Jefferson made son may, if he acts rightly, not through the his offices; and they do not demand them; but but few removals, comparatively few. I be action of the Democratic party alone, but by they claim the right, and it gives them pleasure, lieve he removed no man simply because he the almost spontaneous action of the Ameriwhen lie acts nobly and patriotically and man bad voted against him, and no one for more can people, become the next President of the fully for the good of the whole country, to for political cause alone unless the man removed United States. If he acts constitutionally, get the fact that they did not vote for him, and from oflice had made himself particularly ob- || settles these great questions which are now disto rally to his support; and if his hands at any noxious by his abuse. There was no occasion turbing the nation, settles them peaceably, gives ,
back to the country a restored Union and a
restored Constitution, the grateful hearts of thein up. They have the harmony of the coun cause there was very little division of parties hundreds of thousands and millions of Amertry, the peace of the country, the restoration then, and yet they did all make some. When ican voters may so swell that they may say he of friendly relations between the different General Jackson came into power there was deserves yet further honors at their hands; and States more at heart than they have party tri occasion again because the offices were mainly if the American people will it neither Congress umph. Nay, sir, leave it, this day, to that filled by those who were opposed to him, and nor the Republican party can prevent it. good old party which launched this ship of yet that Administration which has been held up Mr. STEWART. Mr. President, my friend state on the billows, to be out of office for four, asa model Administration for proscription made from Wisconsin (Mr. Howe) did not state my eight, or twenty years, and to stay out, upon but a little over six hundred removals in eight position quite fairly, nor exactly as I put it. the condition of the restored Union under the years, and there were then about eight thou. lle stated that I was waiting to see whether I Constitution as our fathers made iti place | sand postmasters in the country besides thou could serve the Lord before I broke with his before them the alternative of restoring the sands of other officers. Now, even if Con- | adversary. Well, that really looks like a maniUnion which our fathers framed, or of their gress is disposed to take from the President festation of egotism on his part, as if he and coming into power and having this country of the United States the appointing power, as
the Lord were on intimate terms, so that he continually distracted, with eleven States kept I admit it has the right to do in a great many can say that he is on the Lord's side. But I out of the Union, and they would retire to the instances, by giving the appointment to the beg leave to say that I do not exacıly occupy quietude of private life and rejoice that the Supreme Court or to the heads of Depart. || that position. I believe that it is pretty well flag of their country once more waved from ments, still it would be nothing but justice to kuown that I am not much afraid to breai with ocean to ocean, and from lake to gulf, over a leave to the President of the United States the anybody, that I do not watch the President to united, liappy, and prosperous people. power to appoint a number of his friends to see how he is going. I mean on all questions It is a mistake when gentlemen suppose that office.
to consult my best judgment, and I am ready the members of the Democratic party, in giv Why are gentlemen alarmed, let me ask? at any moment to break with the President or ing such support as they do to the measures Why should they be alarmed?' Why should | anybody else on principle, if he deserts princiand policy of this Administration, are actuated they eutertain the idea
at the present Pres. ple. Now I choose to state my position for by party considerations, with a view of taking ident of the United States is going to pervert myself. The President has attempted recontheir President away from them, or with a view this power of removal to a bad purpose? Is struction; he has reared a kind of policy; I of getting their offices. Sir, we do not claim he not surrounded by the “divine Stanton” as a member of the Senate do not propose to their offices. If we dared say anything to the and such men? Has he not Mr. Seward foran aid in destroying it until I have got some maPresident of the United States, we would say | adviser? Are not all his present advisers men terials together whereby to build a better house. to lim, “Give your offices to the men who whom you have indorsed over and over again? | Until I have collected the materials I do not voted for you and who sustain your policy, pro Have you not confidence in your President's propose to go to work tearing down and devided they are best qualified to discharge the advisers ? Certainly they are not going to make | stroying. It may be impossible for Congress
them up, if votes and counsel can help to raise Quincy Adams to make many removals
ORDER OF BUSINESS.
to construct a better policy; and if so, it is not So the laws of the seas from the time of Oleron The PRESIDING OFFICER. The questhe part of wisdom and justice on our part to are unwritten laws, and yet are laws of nations. tion is on the motion to adjourn, unless the destroy all that he has done.
For seventy-nine years we have been expound Senator from Missouri withdraws his motion. I stated that the object of this amendment | ing our Constitution and system of govern The notion was agreed tomayes twenty-four, was undoubtedly to prevent the President from ment. It has been expounded by those who noes not counted; and the Senate adjourned. using the patronage of the Government to sus framed it. It was not possible to put in form tain his policy. If his policy is abandoned, or of words every consideration that lay in and if we have a better one, I do not think there is
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. about the instrument, for then it would have anything so terrible in this law. If we have been more extended than the Pandects of Jus
Monday, May 7, 1866. got a better policy that we desire to subserve, tinian. It was intended for a Constitution to The House met at twelve o'clock m. Prayer if we have the ability to build a better plan of be built upon, construed, and has been con by the Chaplain, Rev. C. B. Boyntox. reconstruction, it is our duty to use all consti strued by those who framed it. It has been The Journal of Saturday was read and tutional power to make that successful; but determined that there are classes of officers, approved. if we have not, and do not succeed in getting for instance, judges of the Supreme Court, it, we had better not pass any laws which shall appointed during good behavior who can only embarrass the President in carrying out his for misbehavior be ejected ; a person appointed order to be the call of committees for reports
The SPEAKER stated the first business in policy. . I want the States reconstructed; I regularly to the military service under our want the Union preserved ; and I believe that system can be removed, if in the Army, by an
to go upon the Calendar, and not to be brought is the wish of the American people, and if || Army court-martial; if in the Navy, by a naval
back by a motion to reconsider. Congress is incapacitated to do that, then I say court-martial that has tried and adjudged him.
No reports were made.
The SPEAKER stated the next business to we should throw no obstruction in the way This bas grown to be law, and is law. The
be the call of States for resolutions, commenthe President using his patronage and power case of Marbury vs. Madison, if I remember to reconstruct in his way. But I stated at the ) aright, was the case of a justice of the peace,
cing with the State of Indiana. same time that I believed Congress wonld be appointed in this District; whose terin was
COLORED SUFFRAGE. able to construct a policy which would be better fixed for five years by law. That is within the Mr. JULIAN. I submit the following resthan the President's; and when we have done province of legislation; but there are a class olution, and demand the previous question on that, I still hope the President will go with of officers who are not within the province of its adoption: Congress. legislation, and after all their administration
Pesolved. That tho Judiciary Committee be inCongress, after it has sufficiently deliberated, belongs to the executive department of the structed to inquire into the expediency of reporting will, I believe, produce a plan, but until that Government. Legislation belongs to us as a bill providing that hereafter the elective franchise is accomplished no harm can be done from much as judgment belongs to the Supreme
shall not be denied or abridged in any of the Terri
tories of the United States on account of race or delaying this matter; because Congress will be Court. We were not made to make officers.
color; and providing further, and thereby giving in session, and we shall have all the power in | We are merely advisers of the President with notice of the fact, that henceforward no Stato which our hands. I say we should not be led astray regard to a class of officers, and not necessa
the people of any of said Territories may organize
shall be admitted into the Union whose constitution on this side issue which is calculated to dis rily all officers, not inferior officers. In this
shall sanction such denial or abridgment of the tract, which is giving us additional weight to legislation we are indirectly undertaking to elective franchise. carry, until we shall have arranged our plan usurp the functions of the executive head of Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I ask whether the of action, and then there may be no need of the Government, whose business it is to under
gentleman proposes to instruct the committee. any conflict with the President. We
then stand these things by himself and through those The SPEAKER. It is a mandatory resobe in harmony, and the great Union party may whom he is authorized to surround himself lution. go on again without trouble. The President with. We are usurping his authority ; we have Mr. JULIAN. I am willing to modify it has not in the matter of appointments gone not the legitimate power to do what is here
so as to make it a resolution of inquiry. I so far as to alienate himself from Congress. || proposed ; and it is against the policy by which demand the previous question. We have rejected very few of his appointments; the foundation of this Government was laid. The previous question was seconded and the we have confirmed nearly all. I believe we This kind of legislation is itself in its char main question ordered. have not rejected more than the usual propor acter revolutionary. It is breaking up the Mr. FINCK demanded the yeas and nays. tion. There is as yet no violent contest on established order of things for a mere tem The yeas and ways were not ordered. this subject. We are here able to reject any porary purpose. There is no disguising the Mr. ELDRIDGE moved that the resolution improper appointment that he can makc. We underlying motive for this movement; it is be laid upon the table. are going to stay here for some time, until patent. That from it must spring evil con Mr. RANDILL, of Pennsylvania, demanded we agree on some plan of action. Then, if sequences is indubitable. We ought to live the yeas and nays. there shall be trouble in carrying out that as a people that should endure through cen
yeas and nays were ordered. plan, let us use our constitutional power. My | turies, and why handle our institutions as things The question was taken; and it was decided position is, that I am willing to break with of a day? This is one of that class of move in the negative-yeas 29, nays 76, not voting any man who breaks with principle; but I am ments, and I trust it will not meet the favorable
78; as follows: unwilling to tear down what another man has consideration of the Senate.
YEAS-Messrs. Delos R. Ashley, Boyer, Coffroth, done until I have some evidence that I can do The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. CLARK Dawson, Delano. Denison, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbetter, until I am prepared to do better. in the chair.) The question is, Will the Senate
brenner, Grider, Griswold, Aaron Harding. James R. Mr. MCDOUGALL. Mr. President, I do not
Hubbell, Kerr. Latham, Le Blond, Marsball, Newell, reconsider the vote agreeing to the amendment?
Niblack, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, William H. rise with the hope that I can add to the infor Mr. SHERMAN called for the yeas and Randall. Raymond. Rogers, Shanklin, Sitgreaves, mation of Senators on this subject. I cannot nays, and they were ordered; and being taken, Taylor, Thornton, and Whaley-29.
NAYS--Messrs. Aley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, make the complement to the argument of the resulted-yeas 21, nays 18; as follows:
James M. Ashley, Baker, Buldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Senator from Vermont for the reason of its ex
YEAS-Messrs. Cowan, Davis. Doolittle, Edmunds,
Benjamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Boutwell, Bromwell, ceeding fullness; I cannot add to the learning | Fessenden. Foster, Guthrie, Lane of Kansas, M.Dou
Broomall, Buckland. Reader W. Clarke, Conkling, that has been bestowed; but I choose to state my gall. Morgan, Nesmith, Norton, Poland, Riddle,
Cook, Culloin, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Sanlsbury, Sheridan, Stewart, Van Winkle, Willey,
Duinopt, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Ferry, Garfield, particular objections in my own way, briefly. Williams, and Wilson--21.
AbnerC. Ilarding, Hart, Henderson, Holmes, Blooper, In the first place the amendment, the sub NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Con
Asabel W. Hubbard, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Ketchject properly of discussion, is not germane to ness, Creswell, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe,
am, Laflin, William Lawrence, Longyear. Lynch, the bill; and the rule has been, and it is a Line of Indiana, Morrill, Nye, Pomeroy Ramsey,
McClurg. McKce, McRuer, Mereur, Miller, Morrill, Spragur. Sumner, Trumbull, and Wade-18.
Morris, Myers, O'Neill, Paine. Perham, Pike, Plants, good rule, that an appropriation bill should ABSENT – Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Cragin,
John H. Rice, Rolling, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, not be charged with extraneous matter. I have Dixon, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, Kirkwood,
Stevens, Francis Thomas, Trowbridge, Upson, Van heard it maintained very earnestly always by Wright, and Yates-10.
Aernam, Warner, Elihu B. Washburne, Henry D.
Washburn, William B. Washburn. Welker, Williams, the Senator from Obio, wbo has been chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The ques James F. Wilson, Windom, and Woodbridge--76.
NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ancopa, Banks, Barker, man of the Committee of Ways and Means of tion recurs on the adoption of the amendment.
Bergen, Blaiuc, Blow, Brandegce, Bundy, Chanler. the other House, and now represents the Fi
Mr. HENDERSON. I move that the Sen
Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Culver, Darling, Davis, Dawes, nance Committee, I believe. It is a bad prac. ate do now adjourn.
Defrees, Dodge, Eggleston, Farquhar, Goodycar, tice, against sound policy; but that is not my
Mr. SHERAN, I think that unless some
Grimuell, liale, Harris, llaves, Higby, Ilill, Hogan,
Ilotcbkiss, Chester D. Hubbard, Demas llubbard gravest objection. The most difficult subject Senator desires to debate the matter further or
John H. Hubbard. Edwin N. Hubbell, Hulburd, that was before the men who sat in council in to move an amendment, we had better go on James Humphrey, James M. Humphrey. Ingersoll, 1787 was how to balance the powers of the and get through with the bill.
Johnson, Jones, Kelley, Kelso, Kuykendall, Georgo Government, and those wise men, our ancestry,
Mr. SUMNER. Let me remind the Senator
V. Lawrence, Loan, Marston. Marvin, McCullough,
Mcludoe, Moorhead, Moulton, Nicholson, Noell, wiser than we, drew from the wells of old an
that there are several Senators absent who Orth, Patterson, Phelps, Pomeroy, Price, Alexander tiquity, they drew from the modern ages, and would like to have an opportunity to vote on
H. Rice, Ritter, Ross, Rousseau, Shellabarger, Sloan,
Smith, Spalding, Starr, Stilwell, Strouse. Taber, particularly the problem was how to balance the question.
Thayer, John L. Thomas, Trimble, Burt Van llorn, the various powers of Government, and they Mr. CRESWELL. I ask the Senator from Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, Wentworth, Stephen F. designed as a policy that the three depart- Missouri to give way for a moment until I can
Wilson, Winfield, and Wright-78. ments of Government should be each independent of the other, the executive, legislative, and formed me that private business will require agreed to. judicial. his absence from the Senate until Monday next,
The resolution was then adopted. Now, all laws are not written. The com and he has requested me to ask leave of absence Mr. JULIAN moved to reconsider the vote mon law is what is called the unwritten law. for him until that time.
by which the resolution was adopted ; and also
makon tomar marionhom afy curent que has com So the motion to lay on the table was not
moved that the motion to reconsider be laid tion embrace the further inquiry, how many upon the table.
of the family occupy positions. The latter motion was agreed to.
Mr. SMITH. If we can arrive at the fact UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT IN VIRGINIA.
without incumbering it too heavily I have
no objection. And I will not object if the Vr. LAWRENCE, of Ohio, introduced a
House will allow me to include inquiry into bill regulating the time and place for holding the custom-house at New York. Because I the circuit court of the United States in the
will state that men who have been in the serdistrict of Virginia, and for other purposes ; vice and who have been promoted to the highwhich was read a first and second time, ordered
est rank have actually begged their bread in to be engrossed and read a third time; and
the streets of New York because of the rebeing engrossed, it was accordingly read the
fusal of the place of watchman in these departthird time.
ments that are within the gift of the GovernMr. LAWRENCE, of Ohio, demanded the
ment, while others who have not in any way previous question on the passage of the bill. Mr. RANDALL, of Pennsylvania. I hope | beneficiaries of those departments.
helped to defend the country have been the now that the Chief Justice will perform his duty, Mr. FARNSWORTH. I like the object of and not try to place the blame on the President.
this resolution, but I hope my friend will perThe previous question was seconded and the mit it to be modified by directing the heads of main question ordered ; and under the operation thereof the bill passed.
Departments also to state by whom those sev
eral clerks were recommended for appointMr. LAWRENCE, of Ohio, moved to recon
ment. Let us know if there are any rebels in sider the vote by which the bill was passed ; || the Departments and who recommended them. and also moved to lay that motion on the table.
Mr. SMITH. I will accept that-and" by The latter motion was agreed to.
whom recommended;"' and I demand the preEMPLOYÉS IN TIIE DEPARTMENTS. vious question. Mr. SMITH. I did not hear the State of
Mr. RADFORD. I call for the reading of Kentucky called, being occupied at the time, the resolution as modified. and I ask leave to introduce the following res
The resolution, as modified, was read, as olution :
follows: Resolved. That the Secretary of State, Secretary
Resolved, That the Secretary of State, the Secreof War, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the
tary of War, the Secretary of the Treasury, the SecNavy, Secretary of the Interior, Postmaster General,
retary of the Navy, the Secretary of the Interior, the and Attorney General bo requested to report to the
Postmaster General, and the Attorney General be House the number of clerks, male and female, now in
directed to report the number of clerks, male and their respective Departments, from which States they
female, now in their respective Departments, from were appointed, and what was their occupation
which States they were appointed, and what was before appointment.
their occupation before appointment; and also, the
names, number, and residences, if any, of such as Mr. FARNSWORTH. I object.
bare been in the late rebel army, and by whom the The SPEAKER. This resolution being a
latter class were recommended for appointment. call for executive information it requires unan
Mr. SMITH. I desire to modify the resoimous consent.
lution by inserting the words and the numMr. SMITH. I ask the gentleman to with:
ber who have served in the Union Army.'' draw it.
Mr. ASHLEY, of Ohio. That is right; let Mr. FARNSWORTH. If the gentleman will us see how many there are there. look in the Blue Book he will find all he wants. The previous question was seconded, and the
Mr. SMITH. I wish to make this statement: main question ordered; and under the operait was but a few days ago that I saw the rec tion thereof the resolution was agreed to. ommendation of a man who had just come out
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. of the rebel army for appointment in some of
Mr. WELKER introduced a bill to annul the Departments, and but for the fact that he the thirty-fourth section of the declaration of could not take the oath would have been there rights of the State of Maryland so far as it ble, good men, who wish appointments who applies to the District of Columbia ; which have served their country, who have one arm
was read a first and second time, and referred
to the Committee for the District of Columbia. or one leg, who desire positions, while there, are those who have never been in the service
DOCUMENTS FOR GLOBE REPORTERS. at all who have obtained appointments. I Mr. CLARKE, of Obio, submitted the folwish to ascertain and have the country know lowing resolution: these facts, and therefore I introduce this reso Resolved, That the House reporters of the Conlution. I wish to see men who are deserving sressional Globe be furnished with three copies cach
of all bills and resolutions printed by order of the That is all the object I have in introducing this Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. Will those
copies be taken from the number which memnois (Mr. FARNSWORTH) will withdraw his
bers receive? There is a standing order as to objection and let the resolution be passed. The SPEAKER. The Chair understands
the number of copies which shall be printed.
I should like to know if these copies are to that the gentleman from Ilinois withdraws his
come out of that number. I have no objection objection. Is there unanimous consent to the
to the resolution. I think the reporters should introduction of the resolution? Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I suggest that the
have copies of these bills and resolutions, but
it should be in addition to the regular number word "requested” be changed to directed.” Mr. SMITH. I have no objection. I sup
Mr. CLARKE, of Ohio. Under the standing posed the word "requested' would bring the rule a suflicient number of copies is printed to information. The SPEAKER. The usage of the House
supply what is called for by this resolution.
Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. It may be is, where information is desired of the Presi
so in some instances, but I think the resolution dent to use the word requested,' but where
had better be modified so as to provide for the it applies to Cabinet ministers to use the word
printing of an additional number of copies. "directed.”
Mr. CLARKE, of Ohio. There is no need of
number printed to supply this demand. I move net officers to report about anything.
the previous question.
The previous question was seconded and the Mr. MERCUR. I suggest to add to the resolution the words, “also those, if any, who
main question ordered; and under the opera
tion thereof the resolution was adopted. have been in the confederate army, giving the names, number, and residences.'
TRANSFER OF AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT. Mr. SMITH. I do not understand that to Mr. LAWRENCE, of Ohio, submitted the be the case, but I have no objection to the following resolution, upon which he demanded amendment being made.
the previous question: Mr. MORRIS. I suggest that the resolu Resoloed, That the Committee on Agriculturo bo
instructed to inquire into the expediency of remov. ing the Departmentof Agriculture tooncof the Western States, and that said committee report by bill or otherwise.
The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered; and under the operation thereof the resolution was agreed to.
PRINTING OF SMITIISONIAN REPORT. Mr. GARFIELD submitted the following resolution ; which was read and referred, under the law, to the Committee on Printing:
Resolved, That five thousand extra copies of the Report of the Smithsonian Institution bo printed, two thousand for the Institution and three thousand for the use of the meinbers of the House.
DISTRIBUTION OF ORDNANCE. Mr. SCHENCK introduced a joint resolution relating to the distribution of ordance and ord. nance stores among the States; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Comunittee on Military Affairs.
RECONSTRUCTION COMMITTEE. Mr. BOYER submitted the following pream: ble and resolution, upon which he demanded the previous question, and called for the yeas and nays:
Whereas the joint committee of fifteen on roconstruction reported on the 30th ultimo, after the arduous labors of five months' continuous incu. bation, a well-matured plan of "how not to do it," in which they have fully met the expectations of the country, which is as much as ought ordinarily to bo demanded of any committeo: Therefore,
Resolved by the House of Represewatires(the Senate concurring.) That saidjoint committee be discharged.
Mr. BROMWELL. I move to lay that res. olution on the table.
Mr. LE BLOND. demand the yeas and nays on that motion.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The question was taken; and it was decided in the allirmative-yeas 100, nays 24, not voting 59; as follows:
YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Baxter, Beaman, Benjamin, Bidwell, Bing. ham, Blow, Boutwell, Bromwell, Broomall, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Conkling. Cook, Cullom, Defreeg, Deming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eekley, Eliot, Farnsworth, l'erry, Garfield, Griswold, Abner C. Harding, Hart, lenderson, Holmes, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. llubbard, James Humphrey, Jenckes. Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Ketchain, Laflin, Latham, George V, Lawrence, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, McClurg, McIndoe, McKee, McRuer, Mercur, Miller, Morrill, Morris, Moulton. Myers, O'Neill.Ortb, Paine, Perham, Pike, Plants, William H. Randall, Raymond, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer. Schenck, Scofield, Shellabarger. Spalding, Stevens, Stilwell, Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Warner, Elihu B. Washburne, IIcnry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, Welker, Whaley, Williams, James F. Wilson, Windown, and Woodbridge-100.
NAYS-Messrs. Boyer, Coffroth, Dawson, Denison, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Grider, Aaron Harding, Harris, Kerr, Le Blond, Marshall, Viblack, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Ritter, Rogers, Shank. lin. Sitgreaves, Strouse, Taylor, Thornton, and Winfield-24.
NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ancona, Barker, Bergen, Blaine, Brandegee, Buckland, Bundy, Chapler, Culo ver, Darling, Davis, Dawes, Delano. Eggleston, Farquhar, Goodyear, Grinnell, Ilale, Hayes. Hizby, Hill, Llogan, Hooper, Chester D. Hubbard, Demas Hubo bard. John II. lubbard, Edwin N. Hubbell, James R. Ilubbell, Hulburd, James M. Humphrey, Ingersoll, Johnson, Joncs, Kuykendall, Marston, Marvin, McCullough. Moorhead, Newell, Nicholson, Xoell, Patterson, Phelps, Pomeroy, Price, Alexander II. Rice, Ross, Rousseau, Sloan, Smith, Starr, Taber, Thayer, Trimble, Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, Went.. worth, Stephen F. Wilson, and Wright-59.
So the resolution was laid on the table. DISTRIBUTION OF ASSASSINATION REWARDS,
Mr. KELLEY submitted the following res. olution:
Resolved, That the Committee of Claims be in structed to inquire into
the fairness and propriety of the award of the rewards offered for the arrest of Jefferson Davis and theconspirators to murder President Lincoln; and that the Committee on Appropriations be instructed to take no action on the same until the Committee of Claims shall have reported the result of their investigations and the House taken action thereon.
Mr. GARFIELD. Will the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. KELLEY] explain the necessity for the passage of such a resolution as this?
Mr. KELLEY. I will very gladly give an explanation of it if the House will permit.
The SPEAKER. If objection be made the levy tax or duty on cotton exported from the United Mr. SPALDING. I object to debate. resolution will go over under the rule if it | States.
The motion to suspend the rules was agreed gives rise to debate.
Mr. STEVENS. I call the previous ques to; and the joint resolution was introduced, Mr. KELLEY. An award has been made, tion.
read a first and second time, and referred to which has already given rise to many objec Mr. LE BLOND. If that joint resolution the Committee on the Judiciary. tions. And as the Committee on Appropria- | gives rise to debate, does it not go over under Mr. ELDRIDGE moved to reconsider the tions have been ordered to prepare a bill the rule?
vote by which the joint resolution was referred; making an appropriation
The SPEAKER. If the previous question and also moved that the motion to reconsider Mr. KASSON. I think the House has made is not seconded, and debate arises on the joint be laid on the table. no such order.
resolution it would go over under the rule. The latter motion was agreed to. Mr. KELLEY. We have passed a resolu Mr. LE BLOND. Then we will filibuster
ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. tion instructing the Committee on Appropria a little. tions on that subject.
On seconding the demand for the previous
Mr. TROWBRIDGE, from the Committee Mr. KASSON. The resolution was simply question there were-ayes 36, nocs 38; no
on Enrolled Bills, reported that the committee referred. I would ask the gentleman if he quorum voting:
had examined and found truly enrolled bills knows of any action of the Committee on Ap The SPEAKER, under the rules, ordered
and a joint resolution of the following titles; propriations which makes it necessary to ask || tellers; and appointed Mr. Stevens, and Mr.
which were thereupon signed by the Speaker: the House to enjoin the committee from early | Randall of Pennsylvania.
An act (S. No. 90) enlarging the powers of action.
Mr. STEVENS. I want to modify my motion
the levy court of the county of Washington, Mr. KELLEY. This is intended merely to a little. I move that the resolution be referred
in the District of Columbia; guard against the subject being acted on by the to the Committee on the Judiciary, with in
An act (H. R. No. 473) to extend the jurisCommittee on Appropriations before the Com. lstructions to report within one week. I desire
diction of the Court of Claims; mittee of Claims shall have inquired into the to add these instructions, because in the earlier An act (H. R. No. 214) for the benefit of Colpropriety of the award. part of the session a similar resolution was, on
onel R. E. Bryant; Mr. KASSON. The order of the House | my motion, referred to that comınittee, from
An act (H. R. No. 347) for the relief of R. directing the Committee of Claims to inquire which we have never received a report on the
L. B. Clarke; into the subject, I presume, would be sufficient subject.
An act (H. R. No. 238) to amend an act for the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I desire to say, in
entitled "An act relating to habeas corpus Mr. KELLEY. Very well; I will modify | reply to what the gentleman has said, that the
and regulating judicial proceedings in certain my resolution by striking out that portion which gentleman has had no such resolution referred cases,'' approved March 3, 1863; and relates to the Committee on Appropriations; to the Committee on the Judiciary, so far as
Joint resolution (H. R. No. 107) for the relief and also substitute the word dintribution? my knowledge extends.
of Rev. Harrison Heermance, late chaplain of for the word 'award." It will then be a sim. Mr. ELDRIDGE. Is this resolution debat
the one hundred and twenty-eighth regiment ple resolution instructing the Committee of || able?
New York volunteers. Claims to inquire into the propriety of the dis The SPEAKER. The morning hour has
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. tribution of the rewards. expired; and the resolution goes over until
The SPEAKER, by unanimous consent, laid Mr. FARNSWORTH. The Committee on next Monday, unless the gentleman offers it Appropriations have the subject before them in a modified form now.
before the House a communication from Prowith a design to inquire into it. But we are Mr. STEVENS. I offer the resolution, to
fessor Henry, Secretary of the Smithsonian not instructed to report any appropriation. be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.
Institution, transmitting his annual report for Mr. STEVENS. " I think my colleague on The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Penn
the year 1865; which was laid on the table, and
ordered to be printed. the Committee on Appropriations [Mr. Farks. || sylvania asks consent, the morning hour havWORTH] is mistaken. After the subject was ing expired, to introduce a resolution.
MR. BANCROFT'S ORATION. referred to the committee suggestions were Mr. LE BLOND. I object.
Mr.WASHBURNE, of Illinois. Mr.Speaker, made that the subject should be investigated. Mr. FARNSWORTH. I move to suspend || I have received and desire to lay before the And one day, when my colleague (Mr. Farns the rules for the purpose of allowing the reso House a letter from Hon. George Bancroft, who WORTH) was not present, I believe, the com lution to be introduced and referred.
delivered the memorial address on Abraham mittee agreed that we would postpone action Mr. LE BLOND. I demand the yeas and Lincoln, together with some correspondence upon it until some other committee shall have nays on the motion to suspend the rules. of Lord Russell. I desire that the whole shall investigated it, it it should be brought before Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I desire to ask, be printed and referred to the joint committee them.
what is the present motion of the gentleman on the memorial to President Lincoln. I think Mr. KASSON. I hope this subject will go from Pennsylvania ? Does he propose to refer the House will be entertained and instructed by to the Committee of Claims. the resolution with any instructions ?
the reading of the correspondence; and I ask Mr. KELLEY. The Committee of Claims, Mr. STEVENS. I withdraw that part of the that it be read. I think, is the proper committee to consider | motion with regard to instructions.
Several MEMBERS. Let us hear it.
Lord Russell to Mr. Adams.
CREŞHAM PLACE, February 28, 1866. struoted to inquire into the fairness and propriety of
DEAR MR. ADAMS: I observe in the Daily News of the distribution of the rewards offered for the arrest Mr. ELDRIDGE.
yesterday extracts from a speech of Mr Bancroft
I desire to know whether of Jefferson Davis and the conspirators to murder
delivered in the House of Representatives on the President Lincoln. the resolution has not already been introduced, 12th instant.
speech Mr. Bancroft is represented to have The previous question was seconded and the and whether it has not gone over under the
said, referring to the breaking out of the civil war: rules. main question ordered; and under the opera.
"The British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs tion thereof the resolution was agreed to.
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illi made baste to send word through the palaces of Eunois (Mr. Farnsworth) has moved to suspend
rope that the great Republic was in its agony, that NOTT AND COMPANY.
the Republic was no more, that a headstone was all the rules, the morning hour having expired, for that remained due by the law of nations to the late Mr. SCOFIELD introduced a bill for the the purpose of proceeding to the consideration Union.' relief of Nott & Co.; which was read a first of the resolution, on which the gentleman from
As words pronounced on such an occasion and by
so eminent a man as Mr. Bancroft may have an effect and second time, and referred to the Commit Pennsylvania does not desire action at the pres far beyond the injury which my personal character tee of Claims.
ent time, but which he simply desires to have might suffer, I inust request you to convey to Mr.
referred EQUALIZATION OF BOUNTIES.
Bancroft my denial of the truth of his allegations,
and to refer him to facts of a totally opposite char. Mr. STROUSE presented the joint resoluMr. ELDRIDGE. Can the rules be sus acter.
Soon after the news of the resistance in arms of tions of the Legislature of the State of Penn pended to allow the introduction of a resolution which has already been introduced and
the southern States to the Government of the Union sylvania in favor of equalization of bounties;
arrived in this country, a member of the House of which were ordered to be printed, and referred has gone over?
Commonsstated in his place that the bubble of repubto the Committee on Military Affairs.
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illi licanism had burst. nois moved to suspend the rules to bring the
I replied in the same debate that tho bubble of EXPORT DUTY ON COTTON.
republicanism had not burst, and that if the curso resolution before the House. That suspension of slavery still hung about the United States it was Mr. STEVENS introduced a joint resolu- || would include the rule requiring the resolution England who had made thein the gift of the poisoned tion proposing an amendment to the Constitu to go over, as well as all other rules which may
garment which was now their torment.
In fact I never had any doubt that whether the tion of the United States; which was read a stand in the way of the consideration of the United States consented to separation or pursued first and second time. resolution.
the war to extremity the great western Republio The question was upon ordering the joint Mr. LE BLOND. If this resolution is not
would remain, happily for the world, a powerful
and independent republic. resolution to be engrossed and read a third to be reported back within a week, I am willing The authors of the Declaration of Independenco time.
my call for the yeas and nays. My in declaring for separation from Great Britain, after The joint resolution was read in full. It | chief object is to have these constitutional
enumerating their complaints of her conduct, go on
to say: "We must therefore acquiesce in the necesproposes to submit to the Legislatures of the amendments postponed as long as possible, so sity which denounces our separation, and hold thom, several States the following article as an amend as to preserve for as long a period as we can as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in ment to the Constitution of the United States: the principles of our Government from the
That we should be enemies in war is easily underARTICLE , Congress shall have power to lay and ll hands of the radicals.
stood, but when we are at penco, why should we not
he friends, as the great men of the American Reyolution intended us to be? If they, in the moment of separation and of war, looked forward to a period of peace and of friendship, why should we, more than three quarters of a century after these events, keep up sentiments of irritation aud hostility founded on a mistaken apprehension of facts, and tending to lay the foundation of permanent alienation, suspicion, and ill-will!
As Mr. Bancroft's speech is likely to have very extensive publicity, I reserve to myself the power of making public this letter at such time as I shall judge fit.
I remain, my dear Mr. Adams, your faithful serVant,
RUSSELL. P. S. I subjoin an extract of my speech on the 30th of May, 15jl, as reported in Ilansard's Debates.
deeply deplore the disruption of a Confederacy with which they have at all times sought to cultivate the most friendly relations; they view with the greitest apprehension and concern the misery and desolation in which that disruption threatens to involve the provinces now arrayed in arins against each other; but they feel that they cannot question the right of the southern States to clain to be recognized as a belligerent, and, as such, invested with all the rights and prerogatives of a belligerent.
I think it right to give your lordship this timely notice of the view taken by her Majesty's Government of the present state of affairs in North America, and her Majesty's Government do not wish you to make any inystery of that view.
I shall send your lordship, by an early opportunity, such further information on these matters as may be required for your guidance; at present I have only to add, that no expression of regret that you may employ at the present disastrous state of affairs will too strongly declare the feelings with which her Majesty's Government contemplate all the evils which cannot fail to result from it. I am, &c.,
Mr. Bancroft to Mr. Adams in reply.
New York, March 23, 1866. MY DEAR MR. ADAMS: I have received from you, by Lord Russeils desire, a copy of his letter to you of Sih February last, in wbich lic denies the iruth of certain allegations in my address to Congress on the 12th of the same month. The passage which he cites contains these three allegations; that as British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs he viewed this Republic as "the late Union;" that he sent this view of our country througin the palaces of Europe; and that he inade baste to do so. When Lord Russell calls to mind the authority for these statements, he must acknowledge them to be perfectly just and true.
On theoihday of May, 1861, Loril John Russell, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,wroie avispatch to Lord Lyons, in which hedescribes the condition of America as "the disruption of a confederacy," and he further used these words: “Civil war has broken out between the several States of the late Union. The government of the southern portion has duly constituted itself. ler Majesty's Government do not wish you to make any mystery of that view." Here is irrefragable proof of my first allegation.
On the day on which the minister of the Queen thus wrote headdressed a dispatch to Lord Cowley, her Majesty's embassador at Paris. designating our Republic as the States which lately composed the American Union;" "too late United States;" *thelatc Union;" and he inclosed in that dispatch, for Lord Cowley's instruction, il copy of the above cited letter to Lord Lyons. Having thusostentatiously communicated his view of our country as "the lato Union," he asked in return "to be made acquainted with the views of the Inperial Government.” My second allegation is therelore truc in letter and in spirit.
That Loril John Russell, as Secretary of State, was in hasteio do this, appears from his not having awaited the arrival of the American minister of Mr. Lincoln's appointment, and from those very letters of the oth of May, 1861, to Lord Cowley and to Lord Lyons; for in those letters he confesses that he had not as yet
received from Lord Lyons any report of the state of affairs and of the prospects of theseveral parties;" but thaton coming to the decision which was so moinentous and unprecedented, he acted on the reports of some consuls” and “of the public prints."
It is true that twenty-four days after Lord John Russell had olicially described our country as "the disruption of a confederacy." the late United States, the late Union," he reproved a member of tho Ilouse of Commons for openly exulting "that the great republican bubble in America bad burst;" and owned that the Republic had been for many years a great and free Statc;" butlicuttered no expectation or hope of the restoration of our Union, and rather intimated that the Americans were "about todestroy cach other's happiness and freedom." Lord John, on that occasion, rightly attributed the rebellion to the "accursed institution of slavery," and confessed that England was the giver of "the poisoned garment;" that the former governments of Great Britain wcro "theinselves to blame for the origin of the evil." But this confession must be interpreted by the light of luis averments on the oth of May, 1861, and by Lord Russell's later assertion, that the efforts of our country were but a contest for "empire.".
In speaking to the American Congress of the life and character of Abraham Lincoln, it was my unavoidable duty to refer to the conduct of the British Government toward our country during his administration, for nothing so wounded his feelings or exercised his judgment or tried his fortitude.
I was asked to address the two llouses of our Congress, and those only. When I learned that the British minister at Washington was likely to be one of my hearers, I requested Mr. Seward to advise him not to be present; and through another friend I sent him a similar message, which he received and perfeoily understood.
I need not recall words of ninety years ago to be persuaded that in peace America and the United Kingdom should be friends. I have a right to say this, for when in the public service I proved it by public acts; and as a private citizen I have never wished our Government to demand of a foreign Power anything but justice.
Pray send Lord Russell a copy of this letter, which ho is at liberty to publish; and I consider myself equally at liberty to publish his letter, to which this is a reply. I am ever, my dear Mr. Adams, very truly yours,
between Washington and New York being interrupted, yet the accounts which have reached thein from some of her Majesty's consuls, coupled with what bas appeared in the public prints, are sullicient to show that a civil war has broken out among the States which lately composed the American Union.
Other nations bave, therefore, to consider the light in which, with reference to that war, they are to regard the confederacy into which the southern States have united themselves; and it appears to her Majesty's Government that, looking at all the circumstances of the case, they cannot hesitate to admit that such confederacy is entitled to be considered as a belligerent, and, as such, invested with all the rights and prerogatives of a belligerent.
I have stated this to Lord Lyons in the dispatch of which I inclose a copy for your Excellency's information.
In making known to M. Thouvenal the opinion of her Majesty's Government on this point, your Excellency will acid that you are instructed to call the attention of the French Government to the bearing which this unfortunate contest threatens to have on the rights and interests of neutral nations.
On the one land, President Lincoln, in behalf of the northern portion of the late United States, has issued a proclamation declaratory of'an intention to subject the portsofthesouthern portion of thelate Union to a vigorous blockade: on the other hand, President D.!vis, on behalf of the southern portion of the late Union, has issued a proclamation declaratory of an intention to issue letters of marque for cruisers to be employed against the commerce of the Nortb.
In this state of things it appears to her Majesty's Government to be well deserving of the immediate consideration of all maritime powers, but more espocially of France and Eugland, whether they should not take some steps to invite the contending parties to act upon the principles laid down in the second and third articles of tbe Declaration of Paris of 1856. which relates to the security of neutral property on the high seas.
The United States, as an entire Government, havo not aceeded to that declaration; but in practice they have, in their conventions with other Powers, adopted the second article, although admitting that without some such convention the rule was not one of universal application.
As regards the third article. in recent treaties concluded by the United States with South American republics, the principle adopted has been at variance with that laid down in the Declaration of Paris.
Your Excellency will remember that when it was proposed to the Government of the United States, in 1836, to adopt the wbole of the Declaration of Paris, they in the first instance agreed to the second, third, and fourth proposals, but made a condition as to tho first, that the other Powers should a-sent to extending the declaration, so as to exempt all privato property whatever from capture on the high seas; but before any final decision was taken on this proposal, the Government of President Buchanan, which in ine interval had come into power, withdrew the proposition altogether.
It scems to her Majesty's Government to be descrying of consideration, whether a joint emeavor should not now be made to obtain froin each of the belligerents a formal recognition of both principles, as laid down in the Declaration of Paris, so that such principles shall be adınitted by both, as they have been admitted by the Powers who inadle or acceded to the Declaration of Paris, henceforth to form part of the general law of nations.
Her Majesty's Government would be glad to be made acquainted with the views of the Imperial Government on this matter with as little delay as possible. I am, &c.,
(Extract of Lord John Russell's speech in the House
of Commons, May 30, 1801.] My honorable friend, the member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, alluded the other night to one subject in a tone which I was very sorry to licar used by any one. My honorable friend said that "the grcat republican bubble in America had burst." Now, sir, I am proud to confess-I may be subject to correction-but for my part, when I find that a dark and tyrannical despotism has been abolished, and that people are likely to enjoy free government in its place, I rejoice. It is my duty to represent her Majesty as friendly to all existing States; but if a despotic Government fall, and the people who are subject to it are likely to obtain better and freer Government. I cannot conceal that it gives me gatisInction and that I sympathize with them. But I own I have very different feelings when a great Republic, which has enjoyed for seventy or eighty years insti. tutions under which the people have been free and happy, enters into a conflict in which that freedom and happiness is placed in jeopardy. I must confess the joy which I felt at the overthrow of some of the despotisms of Italy is counterbalanced by the pain which I experience at the events which have lately taken place in America. I admit that I have thoughi, and that I still think, that in this country we enjoy more real freedom than the United States bare ever done. I adınit, also, that the great founders of that Republic, wiso and able men as they were, had not the materials at hand by which they could interpose, as we are able to do in this country, the corb and correction of reason in order to restrain the passionate oul bursts of the popular will. Yet we cannot be blind to the fact that the Republic has been for many years a great and free State, exhibiting to the world the example of a people in the enjoyment of wealth, happiness, and freedom, and affording bright pros: pects of the progress and improvement of mankind.
When I reflect that the reproaches which are cast by the States of the North upon the States of tbe South, and the resistance which they have called forth, have arisen from that accursed institution of slavery, I cannot but recollect also that with our great and glorious institutions we gave them that curse, and that ours were the hands from which they received that fatal gift of the poisoned garment which was flung around them from the first hour of their establishment. Therefore, I do not think it just or seemly that there should be among us anything liko exultation at their discord, and still less that wo should reproach them with an evil for the origin of which we are ourselves to blame. These are the feelings with which I heard the remarks of my honorable friend the other night, and I must say tbat I believe the sentiments which he expressed form an exception to the general impression in England. Indeed, I think nothing could be more honorable to our country than the prevailing pain and grief which bave been occasioned by the prospect of that great and free people being about to rush into arms to destroy each other's happiness and freedom.
NEW YORK, May 3, 1866. Sir: Having, in conformity with the request of Congress through its joint committee, delivered before them a memorial address on Abraham Lincoln, and Earl Russell having written a letter to deny some of my allegations, I deem_it but an act of justice to transmit to you a copy of Earl Russell's letter and of myreply, and of the documents on which my allegation and his denial are founded. I request you to lay these papers before the joint committee of Congress, and I leave them at their disposition. Very respectfully, yours,
GEORGE BANCROFT. To Hon. ELIAU B. WASABURNE, of Illinois, Chairman
on the part of the House of the Joint Committee of Congress, &c.
Papers inclosed. 1. Earl Russell to Mr. Adams: February 28, 1866.
2. Mr. Baneroft to Mr. Adams, in reply to Earl Russell; March 23, 1866.
3. Lord J. Russell's letters of May 6, 1861, to Earl Cowley and to Lord Lyons.
4. Extract of Lord J. Russell's speech in the House of Commons, May 30, 1861.
Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I now more that this correspondence be printed and referred to the select joint committee on the memorial to President Lincoln.
The motion was agreed to.
FOREIGN OFFICE, May 6, 1861. My LÖRD: Her Majesty's Government are disappointed in not having received from you by the mail which has just arrived any report of the state of affairs and of the prospects of the several parties, with reference to the issue of the struggle which appears unfortunately to have commenced between them; but the interruption of the communication between Washington and New York sufliciently explains the nonarrival of your dispatches.
The account, however, which her Mnjesty's consuls at different ports were enabled to forward by the packet, coincide in showing that, whatever inay be the final result of what cannot now be designated otherwise than as the civil war which has broken out between the several States of the late Union, for the present at least those States have separated into distinet coufederacies, and, as such, are carrying on war against each other.
The question for neutral nations to consider is, what is the character of the war; and whether it should be regarded as a war carried on between parties severally in a position to wage war, and to claim the rights and to perform the obligations attaching to belligerents ?
ller Majesty's Government consider that the question can only be answered in the affirmative. If the Government of the northern portion of thelato Union possesses the advantages inherent in long-established Governments, the Government of the southern portion has, nevertheless, duly constituted itselt, and carries on in a regular forma ihe adininistration of the civil government of the States of which it is composed.
Her Majesty's Government, therefore, without assuming to pronounce upon the merits of the question on which the respective parties are at issue, can do no less than accept the facts presented to them. They
North America, No. 3. Presented to Parliament,
FOREIGN Orpice, May 6, 1861. My LORD: Although her Majeaty's Government haro received no dispatches from Lord Lyons by the mail which has just arrived, the communication