"I leave entirely at your disposal my interest in the hereditary reve nues; and I cannot deny myself the gratification of declaring, that so far from desiring any arrangement which might lead to the imposition of new burdens upon my people, or even might diminish, on my account, the amount of the reductions incident to my accession to the throne, I can have no wish, under circumstances like the present, that any addition whatever should be made to the settlement adopted by Parliament in the year 1816."

The address was seconded by Lord Granville and Lord Howard of Effingham in the Lords, and by Sir E. Knatchbull and Mr Wilmot in the Commons. These speakers generally began with a warm panegyric on his late Majesty, whence they proceeded to point out the good omens which might be drawn of his successor from the determination expressed to imitate the example of such a father, and also from the handsome sacrifice of his own pecuniary rights and interests which his speech had announced. After this, the distresses of the country, and the disturbances to which they had given rise, formed the most prominent feature. Lord Granville observed: At the end of the last century, when the demand for labour far exceeded the supply, the labourer not only obtained higher wages than formerly, but, comparatively speaking, had it in his power to enjoy luxuries. It was not then surprising that the labourer should severely feel the difference which the change of circumstances had produced in his situation. It was therefore matter of compassion rather than of anger, that men so situated, and necessarily ignorant with regard to great questions of policy, should be disposed to attribute their sufferings to causes quite foreign to the real ones, and should wish to resort

to remedies incapable of affording them any relief. There was another circumstance which distinguished the present from all former periods, and which could not be overlooked in any view of the state of the country-he meant the great diffusion of education. This was regarded as one of the greatest advantages of the present age; but, in making this admission, it must at the same time be allowed, that it afforded an opportunity for the dissemination of dangerous doctrines; and when men in a state of the greatest distress were daily told that all their sufferings were owing to the Government, and that its overthrow would relieve them, they must be sanguine indeed who could suppose that the constant inculcation of such doctrines made no impression.

Sir E. Knatchbull represented to the House, that, if it was their intention to support the constitution, they must support it by checking the principles of disaffection which had been so industriously diffused. The constitution of this country was a system which imposed on the people no restraints but such as were necessary to the well-being of the community. But if the character of the country was in danger of being changed, and if a system of immorality and disaffection was undermining the fabric of the constitution, it became the duty of Parliament to interpose, and apply a check to the growing evil. În alluding to the present disturbances, he meant not to lead at present to any discussion on the subject; but he thought that no man, whatever might be his principles, would deny that it was the duty of that House to compel obedience to the laws. In his apprehension, nothing beyond this point was desirable. It was neither necessary nor desirable to impose any severe restraints on the people, but merely to enforce those

salutary laws which were already in existence.

Mr Wilmot was convinced that the House would give the present state of the country its most anxious attention; but he should be merely aiding the prevailing delusions, if he expressed any opinion but that the distresses could only be removed by the slow but certain process of time, which would invigorate the great sources of wealth, for a moment in some degree exhausted. Notwithstanding unfavourable appearances, there was every reason to anticipate, that at no distant period the real and practical blessings of peace would be enjoyed by the whole people: the prosperity and happiness of the community at large depended upon its sobriety and industry, and he trusted that a conviction of this truth would soon supersede the false and injurious notions at present prevailing among a great body of the manufacturing classes.

The address was received by the opposition members in a manner uncommonly favourable. Earl Grosvener said, on such an occasion as the present, at the commencement of a new reign-when his Majesty had been in the House for the first time since his accession-when he had addressed to their lordships his first speech-it was desirable to avoid the introduction or the discussion of any subjects which might lead to a difference of opinion. It was in every respect to be wished, that the first address to the throne from the first Parliament of his Majesty's reign should be adopted unanimously, and, to be unanimous, it was desirable that no discussion should be provoked on subjects likely to create disunion. Entertaining this wish, he must give ministers praise for the manner in which they had worded the speech. They had

abstained from the mention of any topics that were likely to divide the House. Therefore, as the speech and the address were such as to meet with his general approbation, he should have great satisfaction in saying "Content." He objected, indeed, to some parts of the speeches made by the movers of the address, particularly the insinuation which appeared to be made by Lord Granville, that the diffusion of education among all ranks of the community could be dangerous to any, or that a system of education like that followed generally in this country could be pernicious, or could create mischief.

The Marquis of Lansdowne followed in the same tone.-Whether he considered the nature of the topics introduced into the speech from the throne-whether he considered that this was the first time that his Majesty had addressed their Lordships in this House-or whether he adverted to the various important and painful circumstances connected with the situation of the country, and recent events-he saw abundant reason for wishing as great unanimity as possible to prevail on the present occasion. He therefore solemnly declared, that he felt the greatest satisfaction in being able to concur in the speech and the address, and in not being compelled, from duty or policy, to make the least opposition to it. It was with peculiar pleasure that he saw a disposition to set a noble example from the throne, of that economy which he had recommended-an example which he hoped would be followed as zealously, as sincerely, and as extensively as possible by the King's ministers in all the other branches of the public expenditure. The magistrates of the country had on late occasions discharged their duty manfully, firmly, and ably; and, he might add, still more the ju

ries. He was the more induced to mention them with merited praise, as not many months ago it had been said in that House, that they were reluctant to give verdicts; and it had been insinuated that they favoured the bad principles of which they would not authorize the punishment. They had nobly replied to that insiDuation. He meant to allude to no particular verdict when he said that they had shewn themselves equally unawed by the power of the Crown or the influence of popular feeling.

Lord Holland, though he forebore any positive opposition, did not quite equal the courtesy of his two predecessors. If he concurred, as he was disposed to do, in this address, he must not be supposed to pay any compliment to the wisdom and energy of the last Parliament, or to retract any thing which had been said on certain subjects by noble lords on his side of the House. He conceived that some of the last acts of the late Parliament had been productive of nothing but mischief; and, if there was any improvement visible in the country since then, which he hoped might be found to be the case, it was by no means to be attributed to the operation of those acts.

In the Commons, Mr Tierney expressed his satisfaction at the fair, cool, and temperate tone taken by the mover and seconder of the address, and his entire concurrence in a great part of what had fallen from them. He congratulated the House on the prevailing unanimity: he hoped it was an earnest for the future, and that all parties in the House would unite in the expression of unshaken loyalty to the crown, and of a firm determination, while the true liberties of the people were supported, to set themselves honestly and steadily against those machinations alike directed against the happiness

and security of the Sovereign and his subjects.

The only discordant note was struck by Sir Francis Burdett, who complained of the want of courtesy shewn in not pursuing the wholesome practice of former times, when the speech was read from the cockpit on the day before the meeting of Parliament; they had thus leisure to deliberate on the subject. It appeared to him most extraordinary, especially in these times, to expect that members should, at the very first hearing, agree in whatever sentiments ministers thought fit to put into the mouth of the Sovereign. When a younger man, and when first this new practice was introduced, he had proposed on one occasion, that the consideration of the speech should be adjourned to the following day; in the present instance, however, he should be sorry even to make that proposition; but he begged, while he consented to the compliment on the commencement of a new reign, to guard himself against being supposed to concur in any of the senti ments of the address, excepting those of congratulation and condolence— in short, in any thing that was not matter of mere and absolute form.

The address was carried nem. con. In the course of this debate, some interesting conversation took place between the Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Liverpool, on the subject of the existing commercial restrictions. The former nobleman sincerely hoped that our prohibitory system would soon be brought under the view of the legislature. While he indulged this hope-a hope entertained and indulged by others, it ought to be recollected that great firmness would be necessary to effect any change; that the application of general principles to our system of commerce, must be a work of great delicacy and

difficulty; that many partial interests must be encountered as obstacles, and that much immediate and partial distress must be incurred to establish a broad, general, and permanent system of national advantage and commercial freedom. To effect this, nearly as much courage and firmness would be requisite as in encountering the other difficulties of the country. Firmness, however, for that duty, he hoped, would not be wanting in the King's ministers-firmness, he hoped, would not be wanting in the Legislature; and he (Lord Lansdowne) pledged himself, whenever a relaxation of commercial restrictions-a great relaxation was brought forward, he would lend it his utmost support.

To these observations Lord Liverpool returned a very guarded and cautious reply. This was a subject to which he and others of his Majesty's ministers had given no inconsiderable degree of attention. His own opinions upon it were well known to many most respectable individuals in the city, and he should be prepared to declare them to their lordships whenever a fit occasion offered. At the same time he wished to guard their lordships, and those more immediately concerned, from any delusion on the subject. As to whether more good or more evil resulted from the operation of the present system, he would not now say; but perhaps, in some of the general principles respecting it, he did not differ from the noble marquis, though they might not agree in the minor detail. Not that by this he meant to convey that something might not be done, and some alterations might not be made; but their lordships would admit, that it was a subject which should be approached coolly and dispassionately, and that too much should not be expected from its first agitation.

As soon as these customary preliminaries were adjusted, it was understood that the first and most important object which would occupy the attention of the new Parliament would be the settlement of a civil list. It was the established usage of England, that, at the accession of a monarch, the amount of this branch of revenue should be settled for life. This ar rangement, however, could not well, and in fact did not, bar any augmentation which might become necessary during the altered circumstances of a long reign. In fact, the great rise in the value of all commodities which took place during that of George III., could scarcely fail to occasion continual arrears, and to call for successive additions. These, however, were not granted without serious murmurs and disputation. In 1815 and 1816, a strict investigation took place into all the departments of the regal expenditure; and an amount was fixed, somewhat augmented indeed, but applied under such rigorous checks as seemed to secure against any future misapplication. The result was, that under this new system, the accumulation of arrears ceased; the revenue was found sufficient to cover the expenditure; and the King in his opening speech could announce, that he asked no more than had been enjoyed by the Crown for the last four years. A statement so unusual was expected by ministers to diffuse general satisfaction, and to shut the mouths of their opponents. The latter, however, were too much on the alert, to lose this opportunity of probing into certain anomalies, which, though sanctioned by long usage, appeared inconsistent with that rigid control to which it was now proposed to subject this branch of the public expenditure.

In consequence of a motion of Sir Henry Parnell, on the 3d May, the

report of 1815 on the civil list was ordered to be reprinted. Mr Tierney, however, seemingly with some reason, treated this measure as very nugatory, since the question would be set at rest before gentlemen had that report in their hands. They were to decide first, and have the report afterwards.

As a supplement to this proceeding, Mr Hume moved a return of the expenditure from the 5th January 1815, to the 5th January 1820. He was particularly anxious that the payments should be classified. No less than an expense of 600,000l., totally exclusive of the civil list, was incurred by the civil expenditure. From the accession of his late Majesty, up to the period to which the report of 1815 extended, the money voted by the House of Commons, in aid of the civil list, amounted to 53,000,000l.: but nearly 9,000,000l. had been paid from the consolidated fund, on account of items separated from the civil list, and, strictly speaking, forming a portion of that list at the accession of George III. They could not, therefore, know what the exact amount of the civil list was, unless they had before them the six classes into which the payments were divided. They would then be able to decide on the alterations that should be made. He considered it quite an anomaly that the right honourable gentleman who filled the chair should be paid from the second class of the civil list the sum of 1500l., and that another source should be applied to in order to complete his income. The payment of the salary of every individual should be simplified. As the establishment of 1816 was formed on a scale the most extravagant that had been known since the settlement of the civil list, the House ought to inquire, whether the two acts, ordering

a return to be made to the House when any excess took place, had been complied with. He was not sure that such a return had been made, and he thought there could be no objection to its being produced.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the motion. The act of 1816 required, that, if there were an additional charge on the civil list exceeding the estimate by the sum of 16,000l., an account of such exceeding was to be laid before Parliament. Now no such return had been made; and if the honourable gentleman thought that the Act of Parliament had been violated, let him bring his charge forward, and ministers would be ready to meet it. He was now prepared to say, that since the passing of the act of 1816 the issue had been regular, and no excess whatsoever had taken place. MrHuskisson, moreover, urged, that the right of calling on ministers, under all circumstances, to produce accounts which the honourable gentleman seemed to think existed, was a new doctrine in Parliament. If there were no excess, (which must be inferred, as no return was made,) and if no demand were made for assistance, he could see nothing, consistently with the course pursued by Parliament at all times, that authorised the honourable gentleman to call for a detailed account of the application of those revenues which Parliament had granted for the support of his Majesty's household. The arrangement of 1816 accomplished that which had not been before accomplished. The regulations adopted at that period provided new checks, by which the whole expense of every department, in each class, was to be kept within the estimate agreed to by Parliament. It had been so confined; and that being the case, the honourable gentleman was in possession of