vices of such a body of men as the established clergy—when he looked to the infinite benefit that would arise from having the constant, the daily superintendance of such a character as a well-educated and pious English churchman-when he became sensible how much the durability of the system would be increased by giving it that solidity, that deep root, that wide basis which no new system could possess or acquire without being grafted on an old stock, he felt the full force of the argument. A religious education was most essential to the welfare of every individual. To the rich, it was all but every thing-to the poor, it might be said, without a figure, to be every thing. It was to them that the Christian religion was preached-it was their special patrimony; and if the legislature did not secure for them a religious education, they did not, in his opinion, half execute their duty to their fellow-creatures. Let the House look to the alacrity, the zeal, the warm-heartedness which the established clergy manifested for the education of the poor. They declared that blessings would be poured down on Parliament if they carried into effect a religious system of education, which they expressly declared to be the most effectual barrier against the prevailing vices of the time. Under these views, he proposed that the parson should have a veto on the election, and should have constant access to examine the school. The higher clergy were to have the power of visitation; and the visitor could dismiss the schoolmaster, subject to an appeal to the metropolitan. The school fees were to be fixed by the parson and parish officers, and not to be less than 2d. or more than 4d. aweek. A certain number to be admitted gratis, or to have their fees paid out of the parish rates. No religious book to be taught except the

Bible, and no form of prayer to be used except the Lord's prayer, or passages of Scripture. Under these regulations it was conceived that only the most squeamish dissenters could object to sending their children.They were to be exempted from the Sunday discipline, which consisted in taking the children once a-day to the parish church, and teaching them in the evening the Church Catechism, and certain portions of the liturgy.

Mr Brougham finally stated the measures proposed for improving the efficiency of the endowments for education that actually existed. It was proposed that, in the establishments for grammar schools, there should be an arrangement for teaching reading, writing, and arithmetic, either by the master himself, or an assistant. This might be supposed to lower the dignity of these schools, but it would make them much more useful. The present incumbents, however, were to be exempted from this obligation. He proposed also to limit or prohibit the system of boarding, which, in many of these establishments, engrossed the whole attention of the master. Mr B. finally stated the expense of the plan. Taking the whole kingdom at the same rate with Devonshire, which was the county least provided with schools, the expense would be for building of new schools, purchasing of ground, &c. &c., 850,000l. But taking the average with Cumberland, which was only 400,000l., he could state the expense, on a liberal average, to be only from 500,000l. to 600,000l. These were not times in which any sums could be spoken of as unimportant; at other times those sums would have been thought little. The annual average upon the Devonshire scale would be 150,000l.: on the Cumberland scale, 100,000%.

Lord Castlereagh said, that he had listened with much satisfaction to the

perspicuous details given with so much ability by the honourable and learned gentleman. He was quite incapable of giving any opinion at present on the general merits of the proposed plan, but he discharged his duty by giving his consent to the bringing in of the bill, reserving to some future occasion the discussion of its principles. From the importance of the subject, and the great details involved in it, he hoped the honourable and learned gentleman would not press the bill during the present session. After the bill should have been brought in, it could be printed, and members could so be prepared for its discussion. He, at least, would give it his best attention.

Mr Brougham expressed his acquiescence in this delay, though he would be better pleased to get the bill through in the present session. Mr Wilberforce and Sir James Mackintosh expressed their approbation of the plan.

Mr Vesey Fitzgerald and Sir John Newport expressed their sense of the great benefit which such a measure would secure to Ireland, though there were many details in the present bill which appeared to them inapplicable to that country.-Mr Brougham stated, that in framing its provisions, Ireland had not been at all in view.

Leave was then given to bring in the bill.

Among the miscellaneous proceedings of the year, it would be improper to omit the proposition made for the abolition of the Welsh system of judicature. This was brought for ward on the 1st June by Mr Frederick Campbell, who observed, that the present system of Welsh judicature was first adopted at a period when a distinct line could be drawn between England and Wales, and when great animosities subsisted between the inhabitants of the two countries. At

that period it might be perfectly proper; and a court like the court of great session might have been absolutely necessary. Now, however, that the boundaries of England and Wales served for no other purpose than that of a geographical distinction, and that the interests of their inhabitants had become so closely interwoven that they could never again be easily separated, the case was completely altered, and the necessity for the existence of a separate court, like the court of great session, was materially diminished. It was urged, indeed, in favour of this system, that the law was more cheaply adminis tered under it, than it could be under any other.

There was indeed a regulation by which every action must be concluded within a week, but was this consistent with the due administration of law? If the suitor did not like such summary justice, he must either submit his case to arbitration, postpone it for six months, or carry it to the next English county. Mr Campbell endeavoured to shew, that the alleged cheapness was illusory, unless in a few cases, where, if it appeared expedient, the old system could still be retained. Then there were no lawyers in Wales duly acquainted with equity proceedings, which appeared indeed to be of only secondary consideration in these circuits. He objected to the judges in these courts being allowed to practise as barristers in other courts, and particularly to the mode of their appointment. The nomination lay in the treasury, and when a vacancy occurred, instead of looking about at the bar for the most proper person to fill it, they looked at the House of Commons, of which they knew much more; and if a seat could be secured, or a vote gained by it, so much the better. They were not very nice in their selection, as the salary was so

amall, and the situation itself so undignified, that few lawyers of respect ability could bear to lose so much of interest and character as the acceptance of this situation might suppose. The English judge held his situation free and independent of the Crown; he discharged the duties of his high office without dependence upon those by whom he was appointed. The situation of the Welsh judge was, on the contrary, dependent and obscure, the administration of justice vague and uncertain. The defects of the Irish courts had been ably pointed out by Lord Colchester, who had observed, that the present English judges would indeed be unequal to such an addition of business, but that the purpose might be answered by three additional ones, to assist at the Old Bailey, and go occasionally to the northern circuit.

These observations excited no small indignation in Mr Warren, the Chief Justice of Chester, who then filled his seat in the House. It was too much for the honourable member to say that all the Welsh judges were obscure and ignorant. Did the honourable member mean to say that he (Mr Warren) was obscure? He should hope not. But had the honourable gentleman ever heard that Sir Wm. Grant was one of those who had held the situation which he himself had the honour to fill? He presumed not. Had the honourable member ever heard that Justice Mansfield, that Sir Vicary Gibbs, that Lord Kenyon, that the present Chief Justice Dallas, and other distinguished characters, had filled the same situation? It was not known, perhaps, to some members, that a committee had been appointed in 1817 on the subject of the Welsh courts and the Welsh judges; and, after the examination of several distinguished individuals, they made their report-and what was the re

sult? Not that those courts should be abolished-on the contrary, they recommend that they should be kept up "on account of" (as the preface to the report observed) "the cheapness and expedition with which justice was administered in them." They had pointed out, indeed, some particular defects, and Mr Warren was preparing to bring in a bill to remedy these, and only waited the result of the present motion.

The motion was supported by Mr Creevey and Lord John Russell; also by Mr Wynn, who observed, that the committee had not reported on the propriety of Welsh judges being allowed to sit in the House. In consequence of the lamented death of Mr Ponsonby, the chairman of the former committee, together with other circumstances, the effect and bearing of the evidence taken before it had never been laid before the House.

Colonel Wood said, that though Mr Ponsonby had begun the inquiry with strong prejudices against the Welsh system, he had finally thought it inexpedient that it should be entirely done away with. One great inconvenience was, that many of the witnesses could not speak English, and when put into the box their first answer was, dem Sassenach. The distance and state of the roads would render it highly inconvenient to the judges, the present Chief Justice, for instance, to travel the Welsh circuit. He thought the alteration of their judicature would excite great dissatisfaction through the principality.

Mr Wrottesley confirmed the statements of Colonel Wood; but Mr J. Allan stated his impression to be decidedly different. The only merits he had heard ascribed to the system of Welsh judicature, were its superior cheapness and dispatch. Upon the point of cheapness, it might indeed be said that the items, the details of

legal expenses, were cheap; but if they would take any town or district of Wales, they would find that the total sum expended there in litigation would very far exceed that of any town or district of the same extent in England,- -a circumstance which arose, no doubt, from the tendency which the cheapness of laws had to excite litigation. It was as a member of this principality he now claimed for his countrymen that they should be admitted to all the advantages of the British constitution—advantages which they could not be said to possess while they had inferior judges, an inferior bar, and inferior attornies.

Lord Castlereagh had always supposed that the subject had undergone the most elaborate examination, and that every possible inquiry had been made. Now, however, it appeared that the labours of that former committee had terminated under circumstances less satisfactory, certainly, than they would have been, if, after hearing all the evidence to be brought on the subject, and with the additional advantage of hearing the manner in which it was given, they had gone on to make a report which should have been of that clear and ample nature which generally resulted from the labour of a committee. He had no objection, if the House felt so disposed-and he fairly owned he felt himself disposed to have the question further investigated; but he should wish that to be done without prejudice to the existing judges, who were distinguished by every quality

that was honourable in society; a judicature to which, if he might believe the greater part of the evidence which had been offered on the subject, that part of the country was most warmly attached. He objected, however, to the wording of the motion, by which the committee were instructed to consider the propriety of abolishing the Welsh judicature, and the best means by which the same could be effected." He would suggest the words of the original motion for a committee_ "To inquire into, and report to the House, their observations touching the administration of justice in Wales." At the same time, his Lordship strongly censured the personal reflections which had been made upon individuals, and denied that the appointments were made by government, with any view except the efficient discharge of the situations.

Mr Barham stated his impression that Mr Ponsonby had never materially altered his opinion on the subject. He remembered his remarkable expression, "it would be better for all to get into the great boat." Many of the Welsh judges were highly respectable, but there were too many of a different character. He belie ved the wish of the inhabitants was almost unanimous to be placed on the same footing as England.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr W. Parnell strongly defended the character of the Welsh judges.

Mr Campbell, after some discussion, agreed to Lord Castlereagh's amendment, and the motion for a committee was carried.

AFTER the disappointment of successive attempts to involve the state in anarchy, the nation began to breathe, and sanguine hopes were entertained that the new reign would flow on in a more tranquil and uniform tenor. The present, however, was, on the contrary, the era of a convulsion, which, if less perilous, was more violent and universal than any which Britain had experienced for ages preceding. We approach with pain to a subject, on which the passions of men were so highly inflamed, and where there appears so little room for praise on either side; but where, on the contrary, we may find something to blame in every thing that was said and done by almost every person. The event, however, makes too great a figure in history, and afforded too ample a display of the genius and character of the nation, to be passed over without full notice.

He who had observed the temper of the British public for some time previous, and the objects by which

VOL. XIII. PART 1.

its passions had been excited, might have supposed, that nothing merely personal to royalty, nothing which did not directly tend to the benefit and relief of the nation itself, could have caused any strong agitation.Experience only could shew that these principles still possessed so great a force, and could serve even as a focus to collect all the energies of popular faction. Not even those who were most to profit by the circumstance could previously anticipate it. From the moment, indeed, of the recent accession, it was perceived that the relations between the two greatest personages in the state must be of delicate and difficult adjustment, and likely to involve the executive in serious embarrassment. The feelings of the respective political parties were shewn by the ample and exulting terms in which the one dilated upon the subject, and by the niggard and cautious responses of the other. Both foresaw a struggle, though neither of them that terrible struggle which actually ensued.

H