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to states and governments, which spring from the opposite defects; also honesty and veracity in politics, and whether the duty of speaking the truth is subject to any exceptions, or not. He also examines the subject of honesty as applied to moneyed value, as deserving especial attention in political ethics. The desire of wealth is a general passion and salutary in its influences, unless carried to an extreme. Pecuniary independence is of the last importance to a statesman. He cannot act boldly and honestly, if he be encumbered with debt or under pecuniary obligations to others. evils of peculation, of fraud upon the public revenue, of smuggling, &c., are strikingly illustrated.

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The fourth chapter commences with an animated defence of ambition, when well regulated and restrained within due limits. Political apathy is a most serious evil; also, political ingratitude. Ambition is not inconsistent with modesty, and is not to be confounded with vanity, which is content with the symbol without the reality,—the title or distinction without the power. Some beautiful observations follow upon the subject of friendship, and upon its importance as an element in the social order, and upon the extent to which the feeling of friendship may be carried by a politician. Favoritism in politics is a very different thing from friendship, though frequently borrowing its name and garb. This is one of the most dangerous vices of governments; as is also nepotism, or an unjust and excessive partiality to the members of one's own family.

In the fifth chapter, gratitude and ingratitude are fully discussed. Gratitude is not to be confounded with popularity. Popularity itself may be sudden, founded upon momentary caprice; or permanent, founded upon esteem. Undue love of popularity is a pernicious weakness in a statesman; it should come spontaneously, and not be sought after. Liberty finds a formidable enemy in excessive personal popularity. Some eloquent passages are devoted to a defence of monuments, statues, and other testimonials of public respect. Mr. Lieber urges upon the public man, in striking terms, the duty of attention, of observing the signs of the times and narrowly watching the phenomena around him. We should study attentively the history of our country and its institutions, and espe

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cially the more brilliant portions of its history. Even newspapers should not be deemed unworthy the attention of public men.

In the sixth chapter are shewn the mischiefs which result to political society from the vice of licentiousness, which undermines the family, the primary foundation of society. The evils of a want of chastity, both among the higher and lower classes, are forcibly delineated. Political society is deeply interested in the subject of religion, which is wholly opposed to religious fanaticism, which he defines to be all perversion of our actions by undue application or influence of religious doctrines in spheres which are not strictly religious. His remarks on this subject are manly, bold, and just. Persecution is opposed to the spirit of religion; and, besides, we have no right to use political power and authority for religious persecution, because political power is a power arising out of the state, which is the society of right, and right has nothing to do with matters of faith. Indirect and social persecution on account of disagreement in religious opinions, promotes hypocrisy and desecrates religion.

In the seventh chapter the subject of patriotism is examined. A distinction is traced between the patriotism of antiquity and that of modern times. Patriotism is not to be confounded with national self-conceit or that narrow feeling of sectional preference which sometimes counterfeits its aspect. True patriotism is a generous and noble passion, without which no free state could for a moment exist. It is also inconsistent with a jealous distrust of foreigners. Public spirit is a term which has often been used for patriotism, but is not identical with it. "By patriotism," says our author, "we designate perhaps more specifically that sacred enthusiasm which prompts to great exertions, and has the welfare, honor, and reputation of the country at large in view; by public spirit, a practical disinterestedness and cheerful readiness to serve the community and promote its essential success in every way. A perfect stranger to a country might still show much spirit." Some remarks follow on veneration for antiquity; how far it is just and necessary, and under what circumstances it becomes injurious. The age of action is under forty; the conservative element, which is essential

to true liberty, characterizes those who have advanced beyond that age. The common notion, that times grow worse and worse, is a fallacy. A law or institution is not to be retained simply because it is old; and, on the other hand, it is not to be sacrificed unless it is shewn to be productive of evil.

The above chapter brings us to the close of the third book. The first chapter of the fourth book treats of the all-important subject of education. The author's plan is not consistent with a sketch of a perfect system of education, but only with some general hints and observations. Civil society has the deepest interest, not only in promoting education among the poor and in diffusing elementary education among large masses, but also in the highest possible degree of literary and scientific culture. Thus, scientific expeditions, libraries, and museums, become of great national importance in an industrial, moral, and patriotic point of view. Every member of society should receive an industrial education; that is, be trained to some employment. Indolence and want of occupation are the fruitful parents of crime. "Besides the habit of industry," says Mr. Lieber, “the four following are of much importance in education applied to politics, the habit of obedience, of independence, of reverence, or whatever it be called, but by which I wish to express that earnestness in contemplating things, which strives to know their real character and connection, and the absence of arrogant forwardness and self-sufficiency, which considers every thing silly, useless or unmeaning, because not agreeing with its own views or not showing its character at once to the superficial observer; and lastly the habit of honesty." Ancient history and gymnastics should form part of every complete education. The relations to

the state, which grow out of the distinction of the sexes, pass next under review. Upon the subject of the duties and position of woman, our author is a stanch conservative, and not disposed to adopt the new-fangled notions of the day. The difference in temperament and organization prescribe different duties, and forbid woman to mingle in the harsh encounters of politics. His views on this subject are entitled to the candid attention of all.

The second chapter discusses the subject of obedience to the

laws; its origin, influence, and importance, its limitations and exceptions; also the questions of revolution, rebellion, insurrection, dangers of mob law; and of informers and a secret police, as means of security. This chapter is rich in historical illustrations, and contains many sound reflections and just observations. The third chapter treats of societies and associations, their influence, dangers, and benefits, and points out the mischiefs of trades' unions. The fourth chapter is upon the newspaper press, which subject is treated with good sense and a sound moral tone; and he also has a paragraph or two upon the political position and duties of the clergyman. This chapter closes the fourth book.

The first chapter of the fifth book is upon voting, and the duties of the citizen in relation thereto, passing also under review the abuses of the franchise, by intimidation or bribery and various malpractices which sometimes disgrace elections themselves. Every American citizen may be profited by a perusal of this chapter, not omitting the remarks on the practice of betting at elections. The second chapter is upon parties and party spirit, their invariable attendance upon free institutions, their dangers and abuses, the characteristics of a sound party, and how far a good citizen ought to carry his allegiance to a party. The third chapter treats of that balancing power which in a free state is called the opposition, its value as a safeguard of liberty and a check upon the majority, and lays down certain ethical rules in regard to opposition and parties in general. The concluding paragraph is on the dangers of parties formed on the ground of extraction or foreign nationality. The fourth and concluding chapter of the sixth book is upon public men, their physical, mental, and moral qualifications, the knowledge requisite for a public man, and the preliminary requisites for entering upon a public career. We commend this sensible chapter to all those who are apprentices or journeymen at the great trade of politics.

The sixth book is divided into three chapters, all of which are devoted to the various relations of the great subject of representation. This book is among the more valuable portions of the whole work, and may be read with great advantage by every member of

a representative government. He shows the distinctions between a representative government and a direct democracy, also between representative and deputative systems of government. Upon the subject of instruction in general, and especially in its reference to the United States, his views are thorough, elaborate, and profound. He denies the right of instruction and maintains his position with great fulness of learning and power of reasoning. He discusses also the doctrine of pledges in an able and satisfactory manner. Various other topics are also treated of with more or less fulness.

In the first chapter of the seventh and last book, Mr. Lieber treats of executive officers, of the difficulty of controlling them, of the veto in ancient and modern times, of the pardoning privilege, its danger and difficulty, and the rules which should be observed in making use of it. The second chapter treats of judges, courts, and the administration of justice, of the institution of juries and of the rights and duties of jurymen, of advocates, their moral obligations, their political relations to the community, and of the duties of witnesses. The third and concluding chapter is upon war. Mr. Lieber maintains, that just and reasonable wars are not prohibited by either morality or religion, that patriotic wars have raised the character of nations; and these positions he argues at some length. He deems it impossible to settle national disputes by the arbitration of a congress of nations. He treats at length of the moral obligations of war, and the restrictions imposed upon honorable warfare by ethical laws.

We feel that we have done injustice to Mr. Lieber by our imperfect abstract. His volume is crowded with learning, and rich with valuable and profound observations. We are not always disposed to agree with him ; but even his opponents cannot read those portions of his work to which they refuse their assent, without improvement. The portions of this volume which we should select as particularly worthy of notice from their ability and independence are, the chapters on honesty and veracity, on education, on woman, on office and office-holders, on the pardoning power,-and, especially, those on instruction, and the representative and deputative systems, which are original, and truly valuable. In respect to

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