This strong measure, in a case of necessity, was accompanied by a judicious forbearance to remonstrate against unfruitful symptoms of hostility. When informed by sir Henry Neville*, of suggestions made by the Spanish party in the French court for assisting Spain, Cecil told him rather to take notice of the good dispositions, and to improve the affections to our best advantage, than to take knowledge of adverse humours, and so exasperate those that had little need to care for us.† It was by the special command, and according to the well known policy of the queen, that the ambassador was charged above all things, to induce the French king to repay the money which had been advanced to him. On the other hand, when there was a prevalent rumour, even though he greatly doubted its correctness, of an intended invasion from Spain, Cecil incurred, although with avowed reluctance, the expense of an armament. "I have given ways" he says, "to these preparations that are made, preferring therein the ways of safety to any matter of charge. Instead, however, of an attack, there came a proposal for peace.§ The states were unwilling to enter into a treaty, but seeing that Elizabeth intended it, "in respect of her own estate, they left it to her wisdom to do what should please her." The queen determined to proceed alone. || A negotiation for a separate peace with Spain, and with the archduke of Austria, was opened at Boulogne, in the month of May, 1600. ¶ Philip III. claimed for * Sir Henry Neville, ancestor to the respectable family of Neville, of Billingbear, Berkshire, and son of sir H. Neville, of that place, by Elizabeth, daughter and heir of sir John Gresham. He owed his introduction at court to a family connection with secretary Cecil; and his promotion there, perhaps yet more to his own merit, for he was a person of great wisdom and integrity. Lodge's Illustration, iii. 123. An injunction given about this time to this ambassador, is characteristic of Elizabeth :-"Her majesty wishes me to note to you this one observation, that whatsoever you spend needlessly, after the English fashion, the French will laugh you to scorn for it, and she will never thank you: for there never came French ambassador hither, but served their master as well with frugality, as any of hers have served her with prodigality."-Winwood, i. 19. + August 28. 1599. p. 95. August 17. p. 90. his ambassadors the precedence over those of England, alleging, amongst other grounds of claim, that he was descended from the ancient kings of the Goths. Cecil and the rest of Elizabeth's counsellors observed, that the queen of England might as well say that she was lineally descended from the ancient kings of the Britons.* She was resolved "as soon to keep her sword drawn for maintenance of her honour, as for her possessions.”+ She offered equality, and some expedients were suggested for removing difficulties; but when the Spanish commissioners delayed their answer, the English commissioners were instructed, that if at the end of a week, they had not such directions as might reconcile the point of precedency, so as that the English might proceed without any note of dishonour to the queen, they should forthwith return. The Spaniards still insisted upon the superiority, and after a little more discussion, this negotiation came to an end‡, certainly without any lowering of the tone of English diplomacy by Cecil. Attempts were subsequently made, without effect, to induce Henry IV. to renew the war.§ Lord Burleigh was succeeded as treasurer by lord Buckhurst; but Robert Cecil remained sole secretary of state, and was during the few remaining years of Elizabeth's reign, her principal minister. Robert also, resigning his office in the duchy of Lancaster, succeeded his father as master of the wards. It has been said that the disposal of an office makes many discontented, and one ungrateful; the favoured and envied Cecil did not estimate the boon at the value ascribed to it by him to whom it was denied; ". . . . . myself," he writes, master of the wards, but so restrained by new orders, as in the office I am a ward myself. But seeing it has been my father's place, and that her majesty has bestowed it upon me, I will undergo it with as much 66 integrity as I can ; and yet I vow to you, I have resigned a better place of the duchy for it."* Essex on the other hand was discontented because he did not get this office. This adventurous nobleman had, since we last heard of him, met with various vicissitudes of favour and fortune; in the course of which he had been actually struck by Elizabeth, as all the world knows. Cecil had been present, as well as the lord admiral Howard, and Windebank, when the memorable box on the ear was given by the queen to her favourite† ; for that coup d'état he assuredly is not responsible, but it appears to me that other misfortunes, which Essex brought upon himself by his own waywardness, have been imputed to Cecil, without more of truth or justice. That Cecil should be jealous of Essex was unavoid able. It might almost be said that this jealousy was a duty. The earl had obtained influence with the queen, more by personal accomplishments than by public service; and he desired to use this influence, in questions of peace and war, in a way which Cecil thought hurtful to the public service. He is not worthy of blame for any means which he took of counteracting this influence, provided those means were open, and without deceit. Early in 1599, Essex was appointed to the government of Ireland. Camden ascribes this appointment, in part, to the desire of his enemies to place him in an office for which he was unfit; and Hume § and others have named Robert Cecil as one of those who promoted the nomination of Essex, in order that his absence from England might weaken the queen's partiality for his person, and his imprudence destroy her confidence in his abilities. For all this, there is nothing but surmise. I am much inclined to believe that Cecil was on this, and probably other occasions on which intrigue has been *Cecil to Neville, May 23. 1599. Winwood, i. 41. June, 1598. So soon afterwards, as in October, Cecil wrote to sir Thomas Edmonds, that "such small misunderstandings as had been between the queen and lord Essex, were now made up." - Birch Neg. p. 183. I Southey, p. 99. V. 404.; and see Osborne's Traditional Memoirs, in Sec. Hist. i. 202. imputed to him, the passive executor of the pleasure of Elizabeth. A contemporary, who, though it must be admitted he could know nothing but from hearsay, had certainly no prejudice in favour of Cecil*, tells us that Essex had during his abode in Ireland, written letters to the queen, full of malice towards Cecilt, and that these were seen by the secretary; and that upon the return of the lord deputy from Ireland, the unkindness between the two statesmen grew to an extremity, being much exasperated by the violent and imprudent speeches in which Essex indulged. According to the same authority, an attempt was made to effect a reconciliation between them. But Cecil was unwilling to it, "because there was no consancy in Essex's love." Essex whose estate was dilapidated, would be a suitor to the queen for assistance, and if unsuccessful would be jealous of Cecil; who avowed that he would not assist him, though he would bear no malice against him. Essex was still a favourite with the people; and the walls of London were covered with libels upon Cecil, for his behaviour to his rival. Cecil apparently took no pains to acquire popularity, or to disabuse the public of his ill usage of the favourite; but the same unsuspected, though not authoritative information assures us, that" the secretary soon won sincere love and honour by his behaviour." It was found that he had done his rival "all good and honourable offices with the queen; that he had not been so adverse to the earl as was supposed; Rowland Whyte, who thought that Cecil had been unfavourable to the applications which his master, sir Henry Sidney, had made to the queen. See his letters in the Sidney Papers, ii. 122, 123. 133. 135. 153. 156. 167. 200. 212. I am not acquainted with any letter in which Cecil is distinctly named; but the following is an extract from one of Essex's letters, in Moryson's Itinerary: "Is it not spoke in the army, that your majesty's favour is diverted from me, and that already you do bode ill, both to me and it? Is it not lamented of your faithfullest subjects, both there and here, that a Cobham, or a Ralegh, (I will forbear others for their places' sake,) should have such credit and favour with your majesty, when they wish the ill success of your majesty's most important action, the decay of your greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest servants?"-Southey,p.116. By somebody, who, in Whyte's Cypher is designated as "300 brother." that it was her majesty that was wounded by the contemptuous courses of Essex, who was not easy to be satisfied ; . . . . . when it came to the point, none did deal more truly and honourably with the earl."* Rowland Whyte's statements are in great part confirmed by the more authentic accounts which we have of the proceedings in the star-chamber, which appear to have been public, or at least, had in the presence of "divers of the nobility and gentry. ."* The public vindication indeed of the queen's conduct, was the special and avowed object of the proceeding. With this view, the several ministers set forth the exertions which the queen had made for the suppression of Tyrone's rebellion, and the injudicious conduct of Essex, as well in the management of the war as in the terms of peace. Cecil dwelt also upon the queen's general policy towards Ireland, which, until the rebellion, called for stronger measures, had been mild and conciliatory. When she determined to suppress that rebellion, it was agreed in council, with the concurrence of Essex, that 16,000 foot, and 1300 horse, should be employed. But, “although the earl of Essex carried on the flower of her majesty's army in all places without disreputation, where his person was present, yet since this summer's action, her forces had both under sir Henry Harrington when the numbers were equal, and under sir Conyers Clifford§, when her majesty was far superior, received greater disasters than ever the troops did upon like terms in that kingdom. And for the rest of the army, though it did not perish by the sword, yet it dissolved so fast by other accidents, as when it was expected that Ulster should have been assailed, neither the province nor the provincial rebel could be for any purpose attempted. But only after a parley (wherein the traitor stood upon *See Sidney Papers, 14th and 16th of February, 1599. ii. 167. +28th of November, 1599. Camden, p. 617. It is very possible that Camden himself was present. His account of Cecil's speech, is a faithful though incomplete abstract of the speech as I found it in the Museum. Harl. 6854. p. 249. Southey, p. 117, 118. |