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and imbecility. The same is true losophy, as well as a deep acquaintin secular music. There is a great ance with religious experience, will choice in pieces, in respect to char. be found indispensable to success in acter and influence. Pieces of the that kind of training which is de. better sort may become a source manded. Zeal, susceptibility and of high enjoyment in hours of weari. enterprise are, to some extent, al. ness or relaxation. But the indul. ready enlisted in the cause--but gence of an exclusive passion for there is need of more intelligence, secular music is scarcely consistent religious principle and weight of with excellence in religious song. character, to secure the right direcThe importance of this considera- tion and the right issue. The work tion seems not to be sufficiently to be done can not be postponed ; understood; especially in those for counteracting forces are now in Christian families where years of action, that will not easily be iminstruction and practice are devoted peded. The present is on the whole to the secular department, to the al- ihe most favorable period we have most entire neglect of sacred music. 'ever known for redeeming the char

We can not take leave of the sub- acter of religious music, and placing ject of church music without ofler. it upon a just basis. But the work ing a single suggestion to the educa- will not be accomplished without an ted classes of the community. If effort,—and the favorable opportu. what we have said is true, it will nity may soon pass. readily be seen that much remains We commend the subject, thereto be done which can not safely be fore, to the immediate and earnest entrusted either to thoughtless youth attention of those friends of religion or to men of one idea. Oiher ap. who have intelligence and tasie 10 pliances than those of an artistical discern the imperfections of our nature must be brought 10 bear upon church music, and ability to apply the subject. A general knowledge the remedy. of rhetoric, oratory and mental phi


Since the issue of our last num- violent or has been anticipated by ber, events have transpired in Eu- concessions from the rulers—as in rope which will make the year of many of the smaller States of Ger. our Lord 1848 an era in history. many and in the Netherlands-steps The suppressed popular agitation in have been taken, within a few England and Ireland, which in or months, which, if they shall be dinary times would absorb our in. rightly maintained, if there shall be lerest, has been quite distanced in no retrogression toward arbitrary public regard by the mighty_move- rule, and no diversion toward popu. ments on the continent. France, lar anarchy, will accomplish more, the Papal States, Naples, Sicily, for civil and religious freedom and Tuscany, Parma, Placentia, Modena, the vast human interests dependent Lucca, Venice, Lombardy, Aus. upon it, than has been accomplished tria, Prussia, have been tossed on in a previous centuk. the billows of popular commotion We shall not af mpt within the or civil revolution. And in these brief limits of thigh, ticle to survey States, as also in some others where the recent changes in all those the popular movement has been less countries. It will be better to confine our attention to the late move. teaching them that popular sympa. ments in that nation which more thy in their armies (to which the arthan all others is an object of pres. my is very liable, and will be more ent interest-interest at once hope and more, in any country where ful and fearful, joyful and painful, there is any general diffusion of to France.

knowledge) may render the sole There, a monarch, every where support on which they lean " a reed, celebrated for his shrewdness and aye, a spear.” ability in government, who had long The monarchy being overturned, been seeking to establish his throne a temporary or provisional governand the legitimacy of his family, who ment was constituted by acclamation had rendered his capital the most and general consent. That provi. strongly fortified city in the world, sional government proclaimed as who had within call 200,000 troops, their motto, “Liberty, Equality, with a strong majority of the national Fraternity," similar in meaning to legislature to support him, has been the famous phrase in our Declaradriven from his throne and realm, . tion of Independence; and ordered a disguised fugitive, seeking pro- an election of a National Assembly tection in a foreign land—and that of nine hundred members, for the in two or three days, almost without formation of such a constitution, or bloodshed, and with nearly as little ordinance of government, as it shall violence as occurs in one of our thereby appear the nation desirespresidential elections.

an election ordered on the broadest Amid the growing dissatisfaction basis of republican rights or priviand agitation of the nation, in con- leges—an election in which every sequence of the great burdens im. man, of suitable age and unconvici. posed by his selfish plans, the un. ed of crime, was invited to vole. constitutional restrictions on liberty, That election has taken place. and the enormous bribery revealed in The elected members have met and various departments of his govern- organized themselves into a National ment, he relied with confidence up. Assembly. And to that Assembly on his strong defences and numerous as the embodied sovereignty of the army; but was awakened from his people of France, the provisional fancied security by the sudden de- or revolutionary government have velopment of sympathy and alliance given their account, and resigned between the whole army and the of their office—an office which they fended people. It was as though a have exercised, through great exi. foundation of rock beneath his feet gencies and embarrassing difficul

. had suddeuly changed into an en- ties, usually with rare ability, and gulphing sea. What then did all with remarkable success. We await the fortifications, on which, for the with anxious interest the action of

sellish interests of family, he had the National Assembly. Spiruandered the resources of an over- There are some living, who re. taxed and straitened nation, avail member the receipt of ihe news of him, without soldiers to man them; the first French Revolution, in the


with soldiers to man them latter part of the last century; who against bila self? In a moment, in remember the hope, the joy, the the twinkling of an eye, the mon- anxiety, gradually changed into fear

of thirly five millions of peo- and horror, as wave after wave of my of four huared thousand sol- of anarchy and popular despotism, ple, and the colminander of an ar. intelligence came from the scenes

became ja veak as any other and at length military despotism diers, fact most pos tentously in- and general European war, which

Lo all earthly monarchs, that Revolution introduced. And all



have read of these things. So that France in 1848 and France in 1789. there is in some minds, very natural. And what is hardly secondary in its ly, a predominance of fear, as to the bearing on the subject, there is far results of the present movement. more similarity between the world And, on the other hand, there in 1848 and the world in 1830, than are many, having a strong conviction between the world in 1848 and the of the preëminent beneficence of world in 1789. It would seem that real republican government, confi- the fear and despair of those who ding in the capacity of civilized think only or chiefly of the revoluand enlightened nations to maintain tion of 1789, should be in a measure it, and remembering moreover the removed by the more reasonable comparatively quiet process, and the employment of their thoughts on good results, of the second revolu- the revolution of 1830. tion--that of 1830—who have a But as the first revolution is aspredominance of hope, and feel at sociated in the minds of men, more liberty greatly to rejoice, though or less, with the present revolution, they rejoice not without anxiety. it may be well to take advantage of

We will therefore, in a cursory that fact, by presenting the reasons manner, survey the grounds of hope for hope of good results pow, in the on the one hand, and of fear on the form of a contrast, in some few other, respecting the results of the points, between that revolution and present revolution in France.

this. It may seem to some that


1. That which occurs first in order prediction regarding the future in is, that the French people had not France is hazardous. We might then, as they have now, such an inappear wiser, perhaps, should we structive example of warning as the take the safe course in respect to revolution of 1789 presents. So this subject adopted by most of our fearful a lesson as that can not be in cotemporaries, and deal with what vain to the friends of liberty. It has been rather than with what will must be constantly before their eyes ; be. But we are not ambitious of teaching them where both their danthat infallibility which consists in ger and their safety lie. It stands attempting nothing; and we will not like a lofty beacon on the reefs, avoid a question of great and anxious whereon they were dashed beforeinterest from the fear that the future the rocks of popular excess and will not sustain our positions. Yet we anarchy-bidding them beware of shall take no positions which do not the danger. That lesson, as we seem well grounded. There are data have learned, is not in vain. Both bearing on the general question of the leaders and the people ponder results now proposed, which are it. The members of the late Provis. well worthy of consideration. ional Government, and of the pres

What reasons then are there to ent Executive Committee of the hope for good results ?

National Assembly, gather wisdom It is quite common to think of the from it. The leading member of present revolution in connexion that Government, Lamartine—the with the terrible revolution of the master spirit of the present move. last century. But it is certainly ment, who, for sixty hours, sublimely more reasonable to think of it in rode, and ruled, and subdued that connexion with the revolution of whirlwind of human passion-has 1830, the results of which, though often, in his speeches to the people, insufficient, all acknowledge to be reminded them of the excesses of good. There is, surely, far more that first revolution, and of their ter. similarity between France in 1848 rible results. The very fact, then, and France in 1830, than between from which some gather despairVOL. VI.


the fact of that first revolution, with have been much of sentimentalism its reign of terror, and subsequent and romance in it; and it may be military despotism-of itself, gives transitory. But we may hope otherus ground of hope.

wise. The remark of one of the peo2. This revolution is strongly con- ple to another, who, in the heat of trasted, thus far, with the first, in the the contest, grieved at the death of temper and spirit of the people. Of his brother by one of the National the violence and sanguinary charac- Guard, declared that he must kill one ter of the first revolution, none need of the Guard in return—the remark, to be reminded. This, so far, has been “Stop, if you should, you would remarkable, wonderful, it would be only lose another brother," was in any country,) for the moderation, worthy even of an apostle, and was self-control and humanity of the peo. said by observers to be characteris. ple. Thai they, in their struggle to lic of the general feeling. The overthrow the throne of a perfidious spirit, then, in which the revolution and detested monarch-one who was has been carried on thus far, is in put into power by the voice of the strong contrast with the spirit of people and as the man of the people, the first revolution, and is very a citizen king, and had proved hopeful. false to his pledges respecting free- 3. Another, and a very important dom, and had bent his policy and difference between that revolution energy 10 render his dynasty ab- and this is, that now, on the one solute and independent of the na. hand, the other nations of Europe tion—that the people, in their strug. are not disposed to interfere, as they gle to overthrow his throne, and in did then ; and on the other hand, the flush of their triumph, should France adopts a pacific policy, and have shed so little blood, destroyed is disposed to commend republicanso little property, and been so free: ism to other nations by her example from the crimes and excesses to of well ordered freedom, and not, which such occasions prompt, is as then, to promote it by incendiary amazing, and augurs well for the and military propagandism. future. One of the first movements Any one who reads and reflects of the Provisional or revolutionary upon the history of those times, from Government was to proclaim that no the outbreak of that revolution in man should suffer death for political 1789 to the restoration of the Bour. offences—thus shutting up entirely, bons in 1815, can hardly avoid the so far as such a law and example conviction that the foreign inter. could do it, the way, which, in the ference was entirely wrong, and lafirst revolution, led to the atrocities mentably disastrous in its influences of the guillotine; and thus, in the most and results. If then France had effectual manner, exhorting the na. been let alone (why should she not tion to a mild temper and gentle have been ? who had a right to

Indeed, not only the meddle with her? what right had leaders, butall the people, seemed the monarchies of Europe to dictate to possess that republican spirit terms to her ?) if France had then of human brotherhood, which is so been let alone, in all probability well taught by that republican pas- the subsequent excesses and atroci. sage in the New Testament, God ties of the revolution would have 5 hath made of one blood all men been avoided, and the nation, generto dwell on the face of the earth.” ally, would have become quiet ua. Fraternity was not only on their der the establishment of a constitulips, but controlled their conduct, and tional monarchy, or perhaps of a reseemed to be the inspiring spirit of public. the whole movement There may But France was not let alone.



The monarchs of Europe with their right, and that the many are not counselors, jealous of any popular made for the few.* movement, jealous of anything recognizing and proclaiming the rights

*As we have sometimes heard this fact of the people, anxious to maintain

of foreign interference questioned and deuniversally in European countries pied, it may be well to quote briefly, from the divine right of hereditary prin

some authorities.

No one will impute to Alison partiality ces to govern or tyrannize as they

to France, or an unfavorable disposition please, over subjects who have no towards the allied powers. He saysdivine right except to obey-these

6. The rise of this terrible spirit (the monarchs, in an alliance, which, globe, excited the utmost alarm in all the

democratic) destined to convulse the sooner or later, all joined, resolved European monarchies. From it sprang to put down this enterprise of liber- the bloody wars of the French Revoluty in France ; and, ai the head of lion, undertaken to crush the evil, but their arrayed armies, upon her bor

wbich at first tended only to extend it, by

ingrafting on the energy of democratic ders, menaced her with war, un- ambition the power of military conquest.” less she submitted to their dictation -Vol. I, 157. in her internal affairs-a dictation

" The error of the allied sovereigus, which forbade the establishment of and it was one fraught with the most dis

astrous consequences, consisted in attackcivil liberty. This was a step very ing France at the period of its bigbest esdisastrous to all Europe, but especi. citation, and thereby converting revolually to France. It exasperated the tionary phrensy into patriotic resistance, revolutionists against all the royal to crush the spirit which

without following it up with such vigor as

thus ists, as those who were allied with awakened. France was beginning to be these foreign enemies and meddlers, divided by the progress of the Revolution, as indeed many of them were, at

when foreign invasion united it.

The catastrophe of the 10th of August home, and in other countries, whither

was in some degree owing to the imprunot a few had fled, parıly for the pur. dent advance and ruinous retreat of the pose of securing the military inter. Prussian army; the friends of order at position of other European powers, the national independence; the support

Paris were paralyzed by the danger of It turned the revolution into a civil

ers of the throne, ashamed of a cause war, in which parties devoured one which seemed leagued with the public another in terrible succession. It enemies.

“ The fault of the aristocracy consisted greatly aggravated the chief source

in leaving their country in the period of of embarrassment to the revolution.

its greatest agitation, and their sovereign ary government, viz. its financial in his extremest peril, to invoke the hazifficulties, by preventing the return

ardous aid of foreign powers. Such a

proceeding is always both criminal and of social quiet, commercial con

dangerous; criminal, because it is a base fidence, and productive industry; desertion of the first social duties; danby drawing off her strong men from gerous, because success with such assistuseful labor, to military life and

ance produces perils as great as defeat. fields of slaughter; and by throwing French

By siriving to raise a crusade against

French liberty, they put themselves in the on the already staggering nation the predicament of having as much to fear enormous financial burdens of a war

from victory as defeat; the first endanwith all Europe. Indeed, more than

gered ihe national independence, the last

threatened the power and possessions of to any other cause, may the excesses their order.- Vol. I, 131. and disasters of that revolution be “ The object of the alliance is twofold. traced to this foreign interference

The first object concerns the rights of the to this selfish attempt of the throned

dispossessed princes, and the dangers of

the propagation of revolutionary princiones of Europe to put down civil

ples; the second, the maintenance of the freedom, to crush beneath the tread fundamental principles of the French of their armed and allied legions

monarchy:-Hardenburg, quoted by Ali

son, p. 177. every spark of the idea that kings

Lamartine declares, that " the classes and nobles do not rule by divine dispossessed united themselves with the

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