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last our ruin abroad, who could not compass it by all his power and interest at home. And, in this sense, I am of their opinion, that we are not yet quite delivered from the fear of King James, who must be made the instrument of our slavery, by those very persons who pretend their greatest merit to consist in delivering us from him. But what is this, but making the old abdicated tyrant a footstool to ascend the throne of absolute power, and a scaffold for erecting that proud and stately edifice, from whence we have so justly tumbled him down headlong? But, it is to be hoped, the nation will be no longer imposed on by such stale pretences as these, and that a well chosen parliament will not fail to pass their severest censures upon those who would thus jest us out of all that is dear and valuable amongst us: That they will no longer resemble a flock of sheep (as Cato said of the Romans in his time) that follow the bell-wether, and are con tented, when all together, to be led by the noses of such whose counsels not a man of them would make use of in a private cause of his own: That they will at last vindicate the honour of England, and imitate their wise ancestors, in hunting down these beasts of prey, these noxious vermin to the commonwealth, rather than suffer themselves to be led in collars and couples by one mighty Nimrod, who, upon the turning up his nose, shall expect a full cry of sequacious animals, who must either join voices, or be turned out of the pack.

10. Notwithstanding what I have said, I would not have any of them either really imagine themselves, or falsly suggest to others, that I envy them their places and preferments, which I am so far from doing, that I wish they rather had them, for the term of their lives. I desire only they may be subject to the laws, and to some power on earth, that may call them to account for their misbehaviours, that they may not be their own judges, that our sovereign remedy may not prove our chief disease, and that the kid may be seethed in something else than its mother's milk. Nor would I, by any means, deny them their seats in parliament, provided they are in a condition to speak and act freely, and discharged from those temptations, which I find they have not constancy enough to withstand; for, after all, I still believe many of them so honest, that nothing but money, or prefer. ments, will corrupt them. But if nothing will satisfy them, but the downright subversion of our constitution; if they will be content with nothing but the utter abolishing of all laws, and the rooting up of those fences, and securities, provided by our ancestors for the preservation of all things that are sacred and esteemed amongst man. kind; it is high time for the electors to look about them, and dis. appoint their unreasonable and exorbitant hopes, and to spew them out as detestable members of the commonwealth; not only as unfit to be trusted with their liberties, but as unworthy to breathe in the air of a free government.

11. If any should say, that the alterations in elections will stand us in no stead, since, whoever are chosen, will still be bought off and bribed by court preferments; I answer, it will require a considera. ble time to new model and debauch a House of Commons, nor can it be done but by displacing all those, who are already possessed, to

make room for these new comers, which will make the trade and mystery of bribery more plain, and consequently more abhorred. And, since no parliament can now sit above three years, the court will meet with fresh difficulties to interrupt them, which may possi bly at last make them weary of these practices. It is true indeed, this consideration ought to make us more circumspect, in our choice of members, for though we should chuse but an inconsiderable number of pensioners, yet will they soon be able to work over a majority to their side; so true is the saying, 'A litttle leaven leavens the whole lump.' Whoever therefore out of any particular friendship, or other motives of fear or private interest, should vote for any one person, so qualified; let him consider, that, as much as in him lies, he makes a compliment of all the liberties of England to the unsatiable avarice and ambition of statesmen and court ministers. Since, therefore, we have so narrowly escaped our destruction, and one session more of the last parliament would infallibly have ruined our constitution, we cannot surely be so grosly overseen as to neglect the opportunity, now put into our hands, for avoiding the like hazards, in time to come; which may easily be done, if the free-holders and burghers in England will petition, and engage their representatives to consent to a bill which shall be brought into the house, to incapacitate all members for holding offices and preferments; or, if it should be thought too much to debar them, altogether, from the enjoyment of posts of honour and advantage, let them keep them, during good be. haviour, and not otherwise; that such places may not be reserved in store for those, who shall be from time to time elected, and thereby a continued course of corruption be carried on successively through the whole nation, who will, in a few years, insensibly find themselves so universally infected with this insinuating vice, that we shall be thoroughly ripe for destruction, and readily expose to sale the liber. ties of England, by auction, to the fairest bidder. If it was deser. vedly thought one of our most dangerous grievances, that the judges, who only declare the law, should hold their places, ad bene placitum ; what condition must we be in, when our law-makers themselves are subjected to the same temptations? Or what advantage have we got by having our judges commissions for life, when our very legislature itself is prostituted to bribery and sordid gain? The fortune of En. gland is now brought to the nicest point, and there are critical sea. sons, which, if neglected, will never again be offered; and, should we now fail in our duty to our country, we shall assuredly fall un. pitied by the rest of the world. But if, on the other hand, we can, by our fore-sight and diligence, prevent, for the future, the bribing and corruption of parliaments, it is not to be imagined what security, what happiness, and what immortal reputation will be the neverceasing concomitants of such a settlement. If the very rump of a parliament, even in the midst of domestick discontents, and beset on all sides with foreign assaults and invasions, were able, by that one self denying act, to maintain the publick welfare from the danger of inward convulsions at home, and violent concussions from abroad; if that small and broken number, without any head,

and under so many disadvantages, could by this only means secure our peace, and so widely extend the repute and honour of the English name; what country or what religion could ever give limits to the unbounded reputation of a full and legal parliament, so nobly qualified? What nation could there be so powerful as to resist our forces, or so politick as to infatuate our counsels? There is nothing within the compass of human wishes, that we might not assure ourselves from the wisdom and virtue of such a disinterested assembly, headed and encouraged by the most auspicious prince that ever yet swayed the English scepter. A prince who only waits the opportu nity of our own willingness to be happy, and is fixed with a longing eagerness to see the nation deserve the glorious effects of his inimitable conduct, and inexhausted beneficence; who only wishes a happy con. juncture of a free and unbyassed parliament, that he might join with them, in the rescue of himself and us, from the oppression of those devouring harpies, who would tear off the yet green and flourishing lawrels from his majestick brows, and ungratefully cast a tarnish upon the lustre of his bright and shining atchievements: That he might dissipate those inauspicious vapours, which have hindered him from breaking out in the height of his meridian glories, and intercepted his benign and noble influence upon his inferior and de. pendent orbs: That he might deliver up to justice those traiterous and insinuating parasites, who endeavour to inspire into his sacred breast an unworthy jealousy of his people, as if he wanted the assistance of a standing army to secure and establish to himself that throne, which he has already so firmly erected in the hearts and affections of his subjects: And lastly, that he might wholly discharge himself of those wretched and perfidious statesmen, who endeavour to fix the brand of their own acquired infamy upon their master, that they might make him as hateful to one party, for their vices, as he is already to another, for his own virtues, and deprive him of the glorious title, of 'the world's greatest benefactor, which he has so justly purchased to himself, by his immmortal performances. 12. I shall conclude with one word, in answer to such who may possibly think I have reflected too much upon the supineness and base neglect of the people of England; as if it were possible they could be such monstrous and unnatural self-murderers, as to give away with their own breath, and free consent, all their rights to their estates and lives. I confess I should be glad to find my labour lost upon this account: But I desire such to consider, that there are many honest and well-meaning Englishmen, who do not distinguish between our present government, and our present way of govern ing; whose distance from the parliament, multiplicity of business, or other circumstances in the world, render them less able to penetrate the designs that are now carrying on, for the total subversion of our most excellent constitution. And it is plain on the other hand, that the great and unwearied diligence of the present conspirators, against our government, in order to support their future elections, does infer their thoughts, that the majority of the electors are capable of being imposed upon, in this gross and unexampled manner. Since,

therefore, those, who are making us slaves, think it no great dif. ficulty to effect their purposes, I see no reason, why I ought to be so tender as to forbear expressing my fears and apprehensions of their

success.

A

NEW LOOKING-GLASS FOR THE KINGDOM;

Wherein those that admire the late Governments*, may have a true prospect of Liberty and Slavery, and take their choice.

[From a half sheet, Folio, printed at London, for J. C. near Fleet-Bridge, 1690.]

IN the twelfth year of King Charles the Second, being the first of

his restoration, there was granted to him a subsidy of tonnage and poundage, and other sums of money, payable upon merchandise imported and exported, in consideration of the great trust and con fidence which the parliament reposed in his majesty,' in and for the guarding the seas,' against all persons that should attempt the dis. turbance of his subjects in the intercourse of trade, or by invasion of the kingdom.

The same year came forth another act, for the speedy provision of money, for disbanding and paying off the forces of the kingdom, by land and sea, by a contribution of all persons, according to their several ranks and degrees.

The same year likewise, by two acts more, were given to the king, by the one, seven-score-thousand pounds, for the compleat disbanding of the whole army, and paying off some part of the navy, by a two months assessment of seventy-thousand pounds a month: By the other, seventy-thousand pounds, as a present supply to his majesty.

After which, followed the act for settling certain impositions upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for the increase of his majesty's revenue, during his life.

The same year also, the post-office was erected by the parliament, with a considerable revenue accruing to the king. This parliament, after these great gifts, being dissolved, the next year, being the thirteenth of the king's reign, sat a new parliament, which, in the first place, passed an act for the 'free and voluntary present;' and then passed an act for granting to the king twelve-hundred and threescore-thousand pounds to be assessed and levied by an as sessment of threescore and ten-thousand pounds a month, for eighteen months.

* Of King Charles the Second and King James the Second.

In the fourteenth year of the king, the additional revenue of hearth-money was settled upon his majesty, his heirs and successors. In the fifteenth year of the king, were granted four intire subsidies from the temporality, and four from the clergy.

In the sixteenth year of the king, a royal aid was granted by the same parliament, of twenty-four-thousand four-hundred three-score and seventeen-thousand and five-hundred pounds, to be raised, levied, and paid, in three years space, for the king's extraordinary occasions. As an addition to which, in his seventeenth year, twelve-hundred and fifty-thousand pounds were granted for his majesty's farther supply, by the parliament at Oxon.

In the eighteenth year of the king, more money was raised by a poll-bill, for the prosecution of the Dutch war.

In his nineteenth year came forth another act, for raising three. hundred and ten-thousand pounds, by an imposition on wines and other liquors.

After which followed, in his twenty-second year, an imposition upon all wines and vinegar, for eight years, which was attended by the imposition upon brandy: together with another act, for advancing the sale of fee-farm-rents, and other rents; both valued at one-million thirteen-hundred and three-score thousand pounds.

In the twenty-second and twenty-third years of the reign of King Charles the Second, was granted another subsidy for supply of his occasions; twelve pence in the pound upon all lands, and money at interest; fifteen shillings in the hundred for all money owing to the bankers, and six shillings in the hundred upon personal estates.

After which, there followed an act for additional excise upon beer, ale, and other liquors; to which succeeded the law-bill: which three, being summed up together, were estimated at no less than two millions and a half.

After this, at the adjournment of the parliament, upon the sixteenth of April, 1677, being the twentieth of the king, passed an act, for raising the sum of five-hundred eighty-four-thousand nine-hundred seventy-eight pounds, two shillings, and two-pence halfpenny, for the speedy building thirty ships of war. Together with an additional excise upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for three years.

Upon the fifteenth of July, 1678, being the thirtieth of the king, passed an act, for granting a supply to his majesty, of six-hundred and nineteen-thousand three-hundred eighty-eight pounds, eleven shillings, and nine pence, for disbanding the army, and other uses therein mentioned.

With another act, for granting an additional duty upon wines for three years.

To all which may be added (for it cannot be forgotten in haste) the shutting up of the exchequer.

This, if it be not a perfect arithmetical account to some thousands of pounds, perhaps, yet it comes pretty near the matter, to shew, as in a mirror, the prodigious sums it cost the kingdom, in a few years, to maintain the vanity and profuseness of the court at that time, and to Dd

VOL. IX.

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