CHAPTER V

SOME MUNICIPAL PROBLEMS

Misgovernment in American Cities. Foreign and American cities have not hesitated to say that the one failure in American government has been in our cities. It must be confessed that corruption in city government has been not uncommon. Public franchises1 worth millions have been given away, and large sums of money have been spent for so-called public improvements which have been of little value to the city, but have enriched many individuals. When the voters elect corruptible officials, who can be bribed to betray the people's interests, they need not be surprised to find the city the possessor of miserable pavements, a poor water supply, and inefficient police. In every American city there are enough honest and intelligent voters to elect able and incorruptible officials, if they would insist upon the nomination of such men and would support no others at the polls. The real danger is not so much from scoundrels who are active in politics, as from otherwise good citizens who fail in doing their political duty. There have been great improvements in American cities during the last few years. Citizens are taking a more active part in efforts to obtain good government and the

'A franchise is a special privilege granted to a person or company. For example: a street railroad cannot be built without a franchise.

results of these efforts may be seen in most, if not all, of our cities.

The Commission Form of City Government. - The usual form of government by a commission provides for the election of a number of commissioners, usually five or seven, from the city at large.1 After election they organize by choosing one of their number to act as mayor, and divide with each other the administration of the various city departments. Thus one commissioner has charge of the police department, another of the department of water supply, another of the health department, etc. One great advantage claimed for the commission form of city government is that it would furnish a "short ballot" in presenting to the voters the names of only a few candidates instead of such a large list that many persons unknown to the average voter must be selected.

Many cities in the United States have recently adopted the commission form of city government. It seems to have given satisfaction, but it must be remembered that good government depends upon the intelligence and devotion to duty of the citizens, and that without these no form of government can be permanently successful.

The Spoils System. Immense sums of money are received and spent every year by our great cities. The expenditure of many cities is far greater than the total expenses of any state in the American Union. Large sums of money must be paid for the services of men who are employed by the city in purely routine work. In the

This means that all candidates are on a general city ballot, not being chosen each from a ward or assembly district.

absence of any civil service laws, elections become mere scrambles for the possession of the offices.

All of the more important American cities protect their employees by a civil service law. School teachers, policemen, firemen, and all other city employees will give better service if they are selected without regard to politics and can be removed only for good reasons. A good civil service law must include: (1) a competitive examination to test the ability of the applicant to fill the position; (2) temporary appointments to be made permanent if satisfactory service is given; (3) promotions made on basis of merit to be determined by an examination, though past services should be taken into consideration; (4) city employees should not be asked for contributions for political purposes. Civil service rules mean better service to the city and make the employee's position secure as long as he gives good service. The objection that the examinations do not test the ability of the candidate to perform the duties of his office is easily disproven by an examination of the questions given.

- It is now

City Politics vs. State and National Politics. fairly well recognized that city politics have no relation to state and national politics. The opinions which a candidate may hold on national affairs in no way affect his qualifications for local office. The separation between municipal and national affairs is now recognized in many city charters, which place days for the electing of municipal officers so that they will not interfere with state or national elections.

Municipal Home Rule. A large part of the time of many state legislatures is taken in the consideration of bills

relating to special cities and of purely local interest. The majority of the members of a state legislature seldom possess enough knowledge of city conditions and needs to enable them to pass intelligently on local city problems. One of the most shameful cases of state interference in city affairs was the "ripper bill" passed by the Pennsylvania legislature in 1901. By the terms of this act the elective mayors of several Pennsylvania cities (including Pittsburg) were removed from office, and the governor was given power to appoint temporary "recorders" to fill the vacant offices. The city of Cleveland in 1888 was compelled by the Ohio legislature to tax itself for the building of a soldiers' monument which it did not want. Some state legislatures have regulated by law the salaries of city employees who are doing strictly city work. The police commissioners of Boston are appointed by the governor of the state and are responsible to him, though the city must pay the salaries. Extraordinary conditions, such as the shameful condition of the police department of the city of New York in 1894, are proper occasions for state interference, but as a rule local affairs should be left to the city councils.

The state, however, has the right to pass general city laws applicable to all cities of a certain population. In New York state, under the terms of the present constitution, special city laws must be submitted to the mayor of the city concerned, if the city be one of the first class, and to the mayor and city legislature of all other cities. A public meeting may be announced by the mayor of the city concerned, at which friends and opponents of the bill may present arguments. If approved by the mayor the bill goes to the governor for his consideration.

The city, however, has not only functions of its own to

perform, it is also the agent of the state in many cases. The state must enforce certain rules in regard to education, sanitary matters, and other affairs of interest to the entire state. These functions are both state and municipal, and the state has the right and duty to see that the city authorities enforce its regulations. The state should not, however, do more than enforce the general policy of the state at large. For example: the state may desire to enforce only elementary education throughout the state; if the city desires to support high schools, that is then a purely local matter. Should the state legislature desire to carry out a certain policy throughout the state, the details of that policy should be managed by a state board.

The City and Natural Monopolies. -- Certain industries have a strong tendency toward monopoly, and are therefore called natural monopolies. To this class belong water works, gas and electric works, and street railroads. Corporations desiring to furnish these must make more or less use of the city streets and must obtain permission from the city for this privilege, which is called a franchise. Any permanent competition in these industries is out of the question; efforts at competition lead to a cutting of prices which is followed by some agreement between the different companies. For example: if two gas companies exist in a single city, they will for a time compete, and gas will be supplied at a low price. Neither company can make money, and in a short time one will sell out to the other, or they will join under a new name. The public in the end pays for the loss, either in higher prices or in lowering of quality, and it has all suffered in the meantime by an unnecessary tearing up of the streets.