the monarch will, whenever these interests come, BOOK V. or are supposed to come, in competition, be 1706. obliged to decide in favor of the more powerful kingdom. And the greater the disparity of power and riches, the greater and more manifest will be the partiality-as the experience of a whole century has too fatally evinced. But to aim at an absolute separation of the British crowns would be a rash and romantic project. If in former ages the Scots were scarcely able, with the most heroic exertions, to maintain their independency, how could it be imagined possible now that England had acquired such an immense preponderance in the scale of power? Were they to seek for refuge or security in the revival of the ancient league with France, this would of itself be a virtual declaration of hostility against -England, and probably accelerate that catastrophe which it was its professed object to avert. The policy of Europe would undoubtedly prevent any effectual interference of France in their behalf, in opposition to England, the great bulwark of the liberties of Christendom. By an entire separation from England, the internal tranquillity and domestic order of the state would be also imminently endangered. Is the nation prepared for the reception of a new system of laws and jurisprudence? Or shall we revert to that Gothic. constitution of government, adapted to the rude

BOOK V. and barbarous manners of our ancestors, and pro1706. ductive of perpetual feuds and implacable animosities of devastation, outrage, and anarchy; and which, previous to the union of the two crowns, we know the executive power did not possess energy sufficient to repress? If, then, the connection with England cannot be safely dissolved, and if the political relation in which we now stand as to that country is the subject of just and grievous complaint, what remains but to form a permanent union of the two kingdoms, as well as of the two crowns, on terms of reciprocal mity and advantage? Of the necessity and expediency of a firm and durable union we profess indeed an almost unanimous conviction: but then it is a federal and not an incorporative union, for which many of our countrymen entertain a zealous and invincible predilection. But this is not the union which England offers to our acceptance, or which she will herself accept. A federal union would be productive of no advantage, would remedy no evil. And where is the guarantee for the observance of the articles of a federal compact between two nations, one of which is so much superior to the other in riches, power, and population? History demonstrates that incorporative unions, such as the kingdoms included in the monarchy of Spain afford an example of, are solid and permanent; but that a

federal union is a weak and precarious bond of BOOK V. connection, easily dissolved by interest or am- 1706. bition. Sweden and Denmark were once united by a federal compact-But were peace and concord the result of this compact? No-it was the parent of strife, of enmity, and oppression; and it terminated in scenes of blood and slaughter, and in everlasting separation. Let us not then amuse ourselves with words instead of things. By an union of kingdoms, I acknowledge I comprehend nothing short of an union of power, of government, and of interest. Till both nations are thus incorporated into one, England will neither extend to us the benefits of her commerce, nor the protection of her arms. By this union, Scotland will be put into the immediate possession of advantages to which she could never otherwise attain. The sources of prosperity will be opened to her view, and placed within her reach. We shall have ample scope for the exercise of our national industry in all its branches. To the vain ambition of independence, to the mere delusive phantom of royalty, will succeed the flourishing arts of peace; and Scotland will, by a policy founded on true wisdom, acquire that security and happiness which form the great and genuine end of government. We shall, with a just increase of confidence, see our liberty, property, and religion, placed under the guardian

BOOK V. care and protection of one sovereign and one 1706. legislature: and every branch of the empire,

duct of the

Queens. berry.

every part of the body politic, be it ever so remote from the seat of government, will participate in the universal prosperity, under the beneficial influence of the same equitable and liberal system of polity, and in the enjoyment of the same civil rights and commercial advantages, in proportion to the value of its natural products, and the vigour and perseverance of its own laudable and voluntary exertions."

Notwithstanding the good sense and political rectitude of these reasonings, such was the violence with which the treaty of union was opposed in the Scottish parliament, and such the commotion which it excited in the kingdom, that the duke of Queensberry, high commisAble Con- sioner, absolutely despaired of success, and was Duke of desirous of adjourning the parliament, till by time and management he should be able to obviate those formidable difficulties. But the lord treasurer Godolphin, who saw that the measure would be lost by delay, urged him to persist in his exertions; which were at length crowned with success. By great personal address, and a peculiar talent of accommodation to the tempers and interests of leading men, he obtained their support, or repressed their virulence. He was indefatigable in procuring intelligence of the

1706.

measures concerted by the adversaries of the BOOK V. union, and in counteracting their designs; he never suffered the great business entrusted in his hands to pause or to languish; and the entire confidence placed in him by lord Godolphin was fully justified by the wisdom and fortitude he displayed in a situation than which few can be conceived of greater difficulty. The duke of Athol, and the opposition in general, had resolved to have recourse to a forcible dissolution of parliament: but their designs were rendered abortive by the irresolution or treachery of Hamilton; for though the language of this great and popular nobleman in parliament was extremely vehement, his conduct was altogether inconsequential and indecisive. After urging the party in opposition "not to look back upon what might have been done amiss, but now at last to unite their efforts to save the nation, which stood on the brink of ruin," he proposed at a general meeting a daring protestation against the union,

which," he said, "if the English did not desist from prosecuting, they must have recourse to ARMS, and call over the KING." All who were present expressed their concurrence; and a day being fixed for presenting the protestation, the duke pretended to be taken ill. But in conse

* SOMERVILLE's History of Queen Anne, 4to. p. 224.