the public is charged with your subsistence. Are we in war, or under a necessity, as at this time, to enter into a war? let your gratitude oblige you to accept, as pay in defence of your benefactors, what you receive, in peace, as mere bounty. Thus, without any innovation-without altering or abolishing any thing but pernicious novelties, introduced for the encouragement of sloth and idleness-by converting only for the future, the same funds, for the use of the serviceable, which are spent, at present, upon the unprofitable, you may be well served in your armies your troops regularly paid-justice duly administered-the public revenues reformed and increased-and every member of the commonwealth rendered useful to his country, according to his age and ability, without any further burden to the state.

This, oh men of Athens! is what my duty prompted me to represent to you upon this occasion. May the gods inspire you to determine upon such measures as may be most expedient for the particular and general good of our country!

Curran for Hamilton Rowan.

This paper, gentlemen, insists upon the necessity of emancipating the Catholics of Ireland, and that is charged as part of the libel. If they had waited another year-if they had kept this prosecution impending for another year-how much would remain for a jury to decide upon, I should be at a loss to dis

Cover.

It seems as if the progress of public information was eating away the ground of the prosecution. Since the commencement of the prosecution, this part of the libel has unluckily received the sanction of the legislature. In that interval, our Catholic brethren have obtained that admission, which it seems it was a libel to propose. In what way to account for this,

I am

really at a loss. Have any alarms been occasioned by the emancipation of our Catholic brethren? Has the bigoted malignity of any individuals been or has the stability of the government, or that of the country been weakened? or is one million

crushed?

I

of subjects stronger than four millions? Do you think that the benefit they received, should be poisoned by the sting of vengeance? If you think so, you must say to them, "you have demanded emancipation and you have got it: but we abhor your persons, we are outraged at your success, and we will stigmatize, by a criminal prosecution, the adviser of that relief which you have obtained from the voice of your country." I ask you, do you think, as honest men, anxious for the public tranquillity, conscious that there are wounds not yet completely cicatrized, that you ought to speak this language at this time, to men who are too much disposed to think, that in this very emancipation, they have been saved from their own parliament, by the humanity of their sovereign? Or do you wish to prepare them for the revocation of these improvident concessions? Do you think it wise or humane, at this moment, to insult them, by sticking up in a pillory the man who dared to stand forth as their advocate? put it to your oaths; do you think, that a blessing of that kind-that a victory obtained by justice over bigotry and oppression-should have a stigma cast upon it, by an ignominious sentence upon men bold and honest enough to propose that measure ?—to propose the redeeming of religion from the abuses of the church, the reclaiming of three millions of men from bondage, and giving liberty to all who had a right to demand it; giving, I say, in the so much censured words of this paper, giving "Universal Emancipation!" I speak in the spirit of the British law, which makes liberty commensurate with, and inseparable from, British soil; which proclaims even to the stranger and sojourner, the moment he sets his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius of Universal Emancipation. No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced ;-no matter what complexion incompatible with freedom, an Indian or an African sun may have burned upon him ;— no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down ;-no matter with what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of

slavery; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad in her own majesty; his body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by the irresistible genius of Universal Emancipation.

DEBATE ON THE CHARACTER

OF JULIUS CÆSAR.

Spoken June, 1815.

This Debate was first delivered in the Belfast Academical Institution. I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of recording the names of the noble little fellows for whom it was composed, and who, in reciting it, acquitted themselves in such a manner, as to transcend the most sanguine expectations of their Teacher.

ROBERT ARCHER, Chairman.

Debaters.

JAMES GIBSON, FRANCIS M'CRACKEN, ROBERT PATERSON, ROBERT GAMBLE, Sen. BENJAMIN A. GAMBLE, FRANCIS ARCHER, ROBERT VANCE, W. M'CLEERY, ROBERT TEMPLETON, WILLIAM SIMMS, HENRY HERBERT, FRANCIS WARD.

ROBERT ARCHER-Gentlemen,

I am happy to see you. Agreeably to the notice of your late worthy chairman,* you have assembled to discuss the propriety of calling Cæsar a Great Man. I promise myself much satisfaction from your debate. I promise myself the pleasure of hearing many ingenious arguments on each side of the question. I promise myself the gratification of witnessing a contest, maintained with animation, good humour, and courtesy. You are my sureties, and I shall not be disappointed.

The avocations of your late chairman have not allowed him to resume his seat-a seat honourable in itself, but more honourable from the dignity with

William Napier, who had presided at a former debate, with admirable effect.

which he filled it. I have been appointed to succeed him.

My first duty is, to bear testimony to the accomplishments of my predecessor; to his eloquence, his disinterestedness, his address-to all which, I know no other way of doing justice, than by acknowledging my total inability to describe their excellence. My next duty regards myself; and calls upon me to declare my sense of the honour I enjoy, in having been appointed to this station. My last duty-and one that I discharge with great diffidence-is, to present you with a few observations that have reference to the occasion of your being assembled.

You are assembled, Gentlemen, to discuss the merits of a man, whose actions are connected with some of the most interesting events in Roman story. You have given the subject due consideration.-You come prepared for the contest; and I shall not presume to offer any opinion, respecting the ground which either side ought to take. My remarks shall be confined to the study of Oratory-and, allow me to say, I consider Oratory to be the second end of our academic labours, of which the first end is, to render us enlightened, useful, and virtuous.

The principal means of communicating our ideas are two-speech and writing. The former is the parent of the latter; it is the more important, and its highest efforts are called-Oratory.

If we consider the very early period at which we begin to exercise the faculty of speech, and the frequency with which we exercise it, it must be a subject of surprise that so few excel in Oratory. In any enlightened community, you will find numbers who are highly skilled in some particular art or science, to the study of which they did not apply themselves, till they had almost arrived at the stage of manhood. Yet, with regard to the powers of speech-those powers which the very second year of our existence generally calls into action, the exercise of which goes on at our sports, our studies, our walks, our very meals; and which is never long suspended, except at the hour of refreshing sleep with regard to those